Again the hall burst into applause.
Bennett watched the speech in his West Wing office.
Joining him were Indira Rajiv of the CIA’s NAMESTAN desk and Ken Costello, the U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs. Bennett had invited them both to help him analyze the Gogolov speech and European and Islamic reaction to it.
Gogolov’s English was flawless, as was his diction, and Bennett found himself at once impressed with the Russian political neophyte’s command of his material. He worried that the audience was warming to him far too quickly.
“Many issues confront us,” Gogolov continued.
His pace was measured, confident; his proficiency with using a teleprompter intriguing given that this was his first international address.
“Some are regional. Some are economic, cultural, or social. But I believe we can all agree that the most pressing issue of our time is ridding the world of weapons of mass destruction and keeping them out of the hands of terrorists.”
More applause.
“Regretfully, some would seek to divide the great powers. Some would seek to pit the United States against Russia on the great issues of our time, but they must not be allowed to succeed. Yes, we have our differences. Yes, the debate over whether the United States should have gone to war against Iraq was one of them. And yes, there is much work to do to repair relations strained so badly by the unfortunate U.S. response to the perceived threat of Aeroflot flight 6617.
“But let there be no confusion: the Russian Federation never disagreed with the objective of the United States to rid Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. To the contrary, we have always shared the vision of making the Middle East a nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons-free zone. Our disagreement with the United States was never over vision. It was over the strategies and tactics needed to bring it to pass.
“Those in Moscow who preceded me took issue with the aggressive, unilateral approach the United States took, and what seemed to many in the international community to be Washington’s hyperaccelerated timing.
“Perhaps they were wrong. Perhaps we were all wrong. Perhaps it is time to concede that regardless of our differences, the world is much safer now that Saddam Hussein is no longer in power and can no longer threaten the peace.”
The great hall was silent for a moment. The delegates were too stunned to know how to react.
“Where’s Gogolov going with this?” Bennett asked.
Neither Rajiv nor Costello had a reply.
The U.S. was right in going to war with Saddam? What would provoke Gogolov of all people to make such an admission?
Gogolov adjusted his glasses and continued.
“Today, however, I would submit that another Middle Eastern country is known to possess weapons of mass destruction. She operates in defiance of multiple U.N. resolutions. She has repeatedly attacked and invaded her neighbors. She has repeatedly violated the human rights of the people entrusted to her care. And she is widely seen as a threat not only to regional peace but to world peace. Regretfully, of course, I speak of the modern State of Israel.”
The General Assembly had never been so utterly silent.
“I say ‘regretfully’ because history records the great support the Russian people have given to the Jewish state from its inception. On May 17, 1948, the Kremlin officially recognized the newly born State of Israel. Russia was one of the first nations to do so. By August 9 of that year, the first diplomatic delegation from Moscow arrived in Tel Aviv. By September, Israel’s first ambassador to Russia, the legendary Golda Meir — a remarkable woman who of course went on to become an Israeli prime minister — landed in Moscow and was welcomed by more than half a million Soviet Jews.
“In the years since, Russia has allowed more than a million Jews to emigrate to Israel, despite strong opposition from our Arab and Muslim friends. We have also been a consistent partner for Middle East peace, helping Egypt and Jordan and the Palestinians work toward peace with Israel, and we will continue to play such a role in the future.
“But we must be honest. Only one country in the Middle East refuses to become a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty — the State of Israel.
“Moreover, only one country in the Middle East is known to actually possess nuclear warheads — the State of Israel. They are not dreaming of them, designing them, or developing them. Israel has already deployed nearly three hundred nuclear warheads.
“Which begs the question: if the United States was able to persuade this body that Saddam Hussein was a threat worthy of international action, how can we allow a double standard for Israel?
“Some will argue that India, Pakistan, and Cuba have not joined the NPT either. They are right, and this is a great concern of mine. I am determined we can make tremendous progress in these areas if we work together. Indeed, we have already done so.
“I have the great privilege of announcing to you that over the past few days I have been in talks with the Cuban government. I have been able to convince Havana to drop her long-standing concerns, and for the good of the global community and in the interests of world peace, I can now announce that the esteemed president of Cuba will join me immediately following this speech to officially become the NPT’s 188th signatory.”
The General Assembly exploded with a standing ovation.
“And this is just the beginning,” Gogolov continued, raising his hands and asking for everyone to please retake their seats. “I am also pleased to announce that the presidents of India and Pakistan have agreed to a summit in Moscow in January. Together, we will discuss a de-escalation of tensions between the two countries. We will also begin work on a strategic-arms-reduction treaty — similar to the START I and START II my predecessors negotiated with the United States during the waning years of the Cold War. And it is my personal mission to persuade both India and Pakistan to become members of the global community of NPT signatories within the next twelve to eighteen months.”
This brought the house down — another standing ovation, which lasted for almost four minutes.
And now the Russian shifted gears. “Which brings us back to Israel — a rich country; a country living more securely than at any other time in her people’s history; a powerful country with a strong army, an impressive air force, and the strength of the American superpower at her side. With all these assets, I ask you: why should such a country refuse to sign a treaty aimed solely at making the world a more peaceful and prosperous place for all mankind?
“When the United States went to war in Iraq, she did so, in part, because the regime of Saddam Hussein had defied sixteen U.N. Security Council resolutions. What, then, shall we say of Israel, which has defied ninety-seven such resolutions since 1948?
“Permit me to reference an article in the American newsmagazine The Nation. This article, entitled ‘U.S. Double Standards,’ notes that ‘the most extensive violator of Security Council resolutions is Israel.’ The article goes on to point out that the U.S. has reached ‘a new low in double standards’ by vetoing thirty-nine of the last forty-three Security Council resolutions directed against Israeli violations of international law. In the only four resolutions not vetoed, the U.S. abstained.
“In the General Assembly as well, the U.S. consistently seeks to shield Israel from being held accountable for her illegal actions. At the turn of the millennium in the year 2000, for example, the U.N. General Assembly dealt with twenty-nine separate resolutions condemning Israeli violations of international law. Five were adopted without a recorded vote. But of the remaining twenty-four resolutions, the U.S. voted no nineteen times and abstained three times. Only twice did Washington deign to vote yes to hold Israel accountable.