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She just wondered if she’d ever have the chance to say she was sorry.

46

Wednesday, September 17 — 1:12 p.m. — The Oval Office

Bennett stormed into the Oval Office.

“Abstain? You want the world to think we’re cowards?”

The president was alone, just back from the Situation Room.

“Get off it, Jon,” MacPherson shot back. “I did what I had to do.”

“Which was what, exactly? To tell our allies if they’re ever in mortal danger they’re on their own?”

“Our allies—in case you hadn’t noticed — are siding with Gogolov. And have you forgotten that a quarter of all the oil we use comes from the Persian Gulf? Do you really think we could afford an oil embargo right now if the Saudis and the United Arab Emirates decide to take a stand against Israel? With the U.S. on the verge of a recession? With the world moving toward war?”

“Medexco could easily make up whatever imports we lose from the Gulf,” Bennett countered.

“And how would we get them here? The next step is a naval blockade of Israel.”

“So you’re just going to pull the Seventh Fleet out of the Med? You’re just going to let this thing happen?”

“You don’t get it, Jon. My hands are tied. There is absolutely no support for another war. Not against Russia. Not against Iran. Which means there is nothing I can do. How many ways can I make that clear to you?”

“You promised you’d do the right thing, you—”

“I am doing the right thing, Jon. And it’s time you started helping me rather than throwing a tantrum and accusing me of abandoning the moral high ground.”

“You are abandoning the moral high ground, Mr. President. It gives me no pleasure to say it, but it’s true. Wasn’t it you who taught me the only thing necessary for evil to succeed is for good men to do nothing?”

“I’m not doing nothing, Jon. I’m trying to be an honest broker. I’m trying to keep the world from going up in flames. And I don’t appreciate you accusing me of being a coward. I brought you into this administration for one reason: to help me make peace in the Middle East. You’ve done an exceptional job, and I’m very grateful. But unlike you, I don’t think it’s unreasonable to believe that peace in the Middle East should mean the absence of weapons of mass destruction.”

“And you’re prepared to say that to Doron?”

“I already have.”

“What do you mean?”

“I talked to the prime minister right before the vote. I told him if Israel is willing to give up her nuclear weapons the United States is prepared to create a formal security alliance with her, including bringing her into NATO. I was working the phones most of yesterday, and the British and French and even the Turks are open to bringing Israel under the NATO security umbrella. Secretary Warner has been talking to European leaders all morning about the idea, and he’s getting a very warm reception.”

Bennett tried to steady his nerves.

He couldn’t believe what he was hearing. He felt betrayed, but most of all he felt disoriented. He didn’t know the man standing in front of him, not like he thought he had.

“So let me get this straight,” said Bennett. “First, you’re accepting Yuri Gogolov’s position that the Israelis aren’t entitled to weapons — weapons we gave them; weapons that would only be used for self-defense; weapons that haven’t ever been used, even during the Yom Kippur War when Israel was, at one point, just hours away from being overrun by Arab armies advancing on every side.

“Second, you’re proposing that Israel unilaterally give up such defensive weapons in exchange for a couple of pieces of paper promising that the next time Israel is threatened, Washington, London, Paris, Berlin, Ankara, and the rest of NATO will come rushing to her aid, even though she’s being threatened right now and Washington, London, Paris, Berlin, and Ankara are taking Moscow’s side. Am I getting this right, because if I’ve missed something here, please let me know.”

“Sarcasm doesn’t become you,” said the president.

“Neither does appeasement,” said Bennett.

“This conversation is over, Jon. I would have thought after all these years you’d have a little more faith in me.”

“Faith? Mr. President, one of the reasons I’m a believer today is because of the faith I’ve seen in you and the First Lady — faith in God, in me, in doing the right thing even when everyone said I was wrong. I’d never met someone who had such a deep faith yet didn’t come across as a religious fanatic until I met you two, and Erin. And I thank you for that because I have no doubt that God used you to change my life.

“But, Mr. President, I don’t see you operating in faith right now. I see you operating in fear. And with all due respect, sir, I don’t believe it’s an act of faith to stand on the sidelines and do nothing as a Russian dictator and a bunch of radical Islamic extremists light a match that could end with the death of six million Jews. What if God has put you in this office for such a time as this, to protect the Jews from another Holocaust in their hour of need? Are you ready to stand before Him face-to-face and tell Him that when His chosen people were in the crosshairs of a madman, you did nothing?”

Bennett spoke out of sorrow, not anger, but he braced himself for the president to lash out defensively.

Instead, MacPherson just shook his head. “Jon, I know you’ve been through a lot in recent weeks. Erin. The peace process. The coup. I understand all the pressure you’ve been under, and I—”

“Mr. President, please don’t patronize me or psychoanalyze my motives.”

“I’m not patronizing you. I’m not psychoanalyzing you. I’m just stating the obvious. You need some rest. You need some time alone, to clear your head.”

“Actually, I’ve never felt more clearheaded, Mr. President.”

“Well, frankly, you’re sure not acting like it. You have the gall to accuse me of turning a deaf ear to the Jews, of betraying my own faith, of not being macho enough to threaten a nuclear war that could annihilate mankind as we know it? You’re out of line — and out of your league.

“This is the White House, Jon. I’m the president of the United States. I don’t have the luxury of dabbling in fringe theology — not to mention letting it influence my foreign-policy decisions — and quite frankly, neither do you. I’ve always had the greatest respect for Eli, and for you. But what happened to the go-to guy I hired? What happened to that steely-eyed strategic thinker I recruited to be my right-hand man? Because I don’t see him anymore. I’m grateful that Julie and I have been able to serve as some kind of example for you. But you need some rest, my friend, and you need some serious, professional help before you become something you’ll regret.”

Bennett couldn’t believe it had come to this.

“I’m already something I regret, Mr. President — a member of an administration that would so easily sell out a friend.”

“What are you trying to say?”

“I’m resigning, Mr. President — effective immediately.”

47

Wednesday, September 17 — 2:32 p.m. — The West Wing

Back in his office, Bennett called Mordechai.

“How soon until the judgment hits Russia?”

“Jonathan, I am so glad you called. Doron is furious. I just got off the phone with him. He is convening his Security Cabinet tonight. He wants me to be there.”

“Good. You should go. But I need to know right now. How soon until the judgment hits Russia?”

“Why? What is going on?”