"Where are these seventeen?" asked the president.
"They're holed up in the communications center under the PLC building. It's a bunker of some kind. They've basically barricaded themselves in— they're terrified for their lives and they're furious at the Islamic radicals who they say have set all this into motion to sabotage the peace process. But they've been in touch with all the other surviving members, scattered thiroughout the West Bank and Gaza."
"What do they want?"
"Sir, I don't think you're going to believe me. I have to admit, I didn't believe Sa'id, at first."
"You've got a minute and forty-five seconds," said the president. "Try me."
TWENTY-EIGHT
All eyes were now on Bennett.
"Mr. President," he began, "the PLC asked Ibrahim Sa'id to get a message to you. They've got four points. Sa'id asked me to pass along this message and get an answer back to him and the PLC within the next half hour."
The president was in no mood for ultimatums, if that's what this was. But he was listening, for another minute and forty-five seconds, anyway.
"Proceed," said MacPherson.
"Thank you, Mr. President. OK, first point, the PLC says they have evidence that the initial attacks — the suicide bombing and the initial gunfire and RPG attacks — were ordered by someone in Iran, though they're not sure exactly who."
"How do they know that?"
"The PLC sent a team to raid the home of the suicide bomber—"
"Khalid al-Rashid?" asked Kirkpatrick.
"Right, Rashid — they raided his home and offices about an hour after the attacks. They grabbed his computer, phones, Palm Pilot, whatever they could, and they've begun to piece together the trail. It's early, and they've got a lot more work to do. But they say the trail without a doubt leads back to Tehran. I can't confirm it. Neither can Sa'id. We're just passing on what they're saying. But according to Sa'id, the PLC is absolutely livid."
"Yeah, right," snapped Mitchell. "The PLC's never been too 'livid' about Iranian operations in the territories. They weren't 'livid' when Arafat bought fifty million bucks' worth of weapons from Tehran and tried to smuggle them into Gaza a few years back on that ship, the Karine A. Why should we suddenly believe they're so hot and bothered now?"
Bennett was expecting that one.
"The difference, Mr. Director, is that the Iranians never tried to assassinate Yasser Arafat before."
"Maybe they should have," said Mitchell.
"All I know is that Sa'id says these PLC guys couldn't stand Arafat. They hated his corruption. They were furious that he was lining his pockets with billions of dollars in foreign aid money from us and the E.U. They despised his constant double-dealings over the years with Iran and the Islamic radicals. These aren't Arafat fans. But they deeply resent Tehran ordering his assas sination. They're terrified that with Tehran freed up from the worry of a hostile Saddam Hussein to their west, they're now stepping up their war against Israel and using the Palestinians as pawns. And they're devastated by the death of Abu Mazen. They were hoping Arafat would eventually give him full authority and Mazen could start steering a more moderate path. Anyway, that's the first thing they want you to know. It looks like an outside job, and all roads seem to lead to Iran."
MacPherson and his team considered this for a moment. It wasn't like the Palestinian Legislative Council to point fingers at the Islamic Republic of Iran. It had the air of plausibility.
"All right, give me the other three, quickly."
"OK, second, the PLC says they want the oil-for-peace deal to go forward as quickly as possible."
"They do?"
"I know. That's what I thought. They've been cool to the whole idea from the beginning, at least until now. But Sa'id talked to all fifty-three surviving members over the phone — forty-eight want the oil and gas project to move forward. Only one voted against pursuing some kind of deal, and four want more information before they decide. They all know they're sitting on a gold mine. They're worried the radicals are going to destroy everything. It seems like they're coming to the conclusion they'd better make a deal fast or lose everything."
"Unbelievable," sniffed Mitchell. "Who are these people? Abba Eban was right. The Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity. How do they think there can be an oil-for-peace deal now? The whole coun-:try is going up in flames."
"Mr. President, if I may continue…"
Mitchell shook his head in disgust and impatience. But MacPherson al lowed Bennett to continue. No one but Mitchell was watching the clock anymore.
"Thank you, sir. Point three — the PLC has unanimously voted to appoint Ibrahim Sa'id as acting prime minister of Palestine."
A buzz went through the Situation Room.
"It will be an eighteen-month provisional appointment," Bennett continued, "subject to recall by a supermajority vote of the PLC. The key is that after eighteen months, there will be democratic parliamentary elections, followed by a legislative vote for prime minister, all monitored by international observers, supervised by the U.S. and United Nations."
It was a jarring development, but there was more.
"And what's Ibrahim say about all this?" asked the president. "Is he even remotely interested? I thought he hated politics and politicians."
"Well, that actually brings me to point number four, sir. Sa'id was stunned at first, and resistant, as we might imagine. You're right, sir. He's always told me he hates politics and politicians, present company excepted. But after the initial shock of the PLC's offer, he told them and me that he'll accept on one condition."
"Which is?…"
"He wants you to send Special Forces into the Gaza and the West Bank to stop the fighting, round up the terrorists, and restore order."
"What?" asked MacPherson. "Are you kidding?"
"Sa'id is absolutely insistent that the Israelis not move in. If the Israelis invade, he says all deals are off. No oil deal. He won't serve as prime minister. Nothing. He wants us — not the Israelis — to come in immediately."
"And do what exactly?" Kirkpatrick pressed.
"He says the mission should have three objectives. First, to take out the various rogue militia commanders and their forces, all of whom they say are operating in direct defiance of PLC orders to cease and desist. Second, to hunt down and arrest or destroy any outside forces operating on the ground in the West Bank or Gaza. Sa'id says he absolutely does not want a Palestinian state to be dogged from day one by Islamic insurgents, especially not ones funded and trained directly by the mullahs in Tehran. He's completely inflexible on this point."
"And the third objective?"
"The third objective would be to establish order, calm things down, and then help the PLC recruit, train, and deploy an entirely new security force, one untainted and completely unaffiliated with the corruption of the current factions. He'd also want physical protection for himself and his family, like what we've given Hamid Kharzai in Afghanistan and the new interim government in Iraq."
"And if we do all that?" asked the president.
"Sa'id will call the PLC back, say yes, and he'll be the new prime minister