Eisenhower coughed. King knew that it was the first time he’d heard that part of the plan. It was the sort of plan the late unlamented MacArthur would have thought up.
“Admiral, with all due respect, the terrain of Russia is not suited to such an offensive,” he said.
Admiral King nodded. “I am aware of that and so is the Marine commander,” he said. “Our main mission will be to secure the port and the resource-rich fields that the Russians have been trying to develop in the last year. If Stalin can be induced to think that we intend to head westwards, so much the better.”
Truman held up a hand. “The pros and cons of this have been debated,” he said. “Unfortunately, Admiral, you have to be careful at handling the Japanese. We cannot, of course, inform them of the plan, and yet we cannot risk having them attack the fleet as it passes close to the Japanese islands.”
“We will keep a low profile,” King said. Ambassador King knew that the very thought of keeping a low profile was anthemia to Admiral King. “We can also ask the British to lay on a diversionary attack into Japanese waters, if necessary.”
“The mission is approved,” Truman said. “In the long-term, we may end up with a new territory, or we may end up returning the port to Russia. For the short term, however, we will put a great deal of pressure on Stalin. Ike?”
Eisenhower, who was comfortable with PowerPoint displays, held up a remote control. “At the moment, the Germans have withdrawn almost completely from Sweden,” he said. “Although they hold out in a number of tiny outposts, none of them have any real chance at threatening us. The real problem remains the Soviet Union, and the Russians are digging in. Satellite pictures reveal that they have dispatched even more combat units to Finland, which we assume will move on to Sweden, and several NKVD outfits as stiffeners.
“General Patton believes that attempting to engage the Soviets at the moment would be a stupid butting of heads,” he continued. “This is unusual for Patton, but sustaining an offensive against the Soviets would be very difficult.” He glanced sharply at Admiral King. “He raised a right howl about losing the Marines.”
“This from an army man,” Admiral King muttered.
Truman tapped the table sharply. “Gentlemen, please,” he said. “Let us have no fighting; this is, after all, a council of war. Ike?”
Eisenhower smiled. “It took us nearly five months of rebuilding the Norwegian transportation system to sustain the offensive that has nearly concluded,” he said. “While we can launch attacks against the Soviets, I do not believe that we can hammer our way to Finland, and then into Russia, at the moment. Patton believes that we should concentrate on seizing Europe and on slipping supplies to the Finns.”
He altered the map again. “The surge deployment of five front-line infantry and ten front-line armoured divisions is planned to start tomorrow,” he said. “With the massive new fleet of transport ships, we should be able to get all units into Britain – along with their supporting units – within two to three weeks. The plan is to build up very rapidly in Britain, and then invade.”
He altered the map. “Assuming a successful invasion, we would be able to funnel the new divisions into the attack as soon as they came into service,” he said. “The official plan is to land in France, secure a bridgehead, and then head to Paris, and then Berlin.” He looked around the room. “The unofficial plan is a British plan,” he said. “Both their greatest commanding general, the one who just won in Iran, and Patton believe that it’s possible. I must inform you that this is a secret; it must not get out, or the invasion will become impossible.
“The official target is the Netherlands,” he said, adjusting the map. “The British intend to concentrate their Special Forces personnel, and hit the country with considerable force, taking the docks before the Germans can destroy them. A secondary plan involves hitting Wilhelmshaven, although that would mean that there would be no aid from resistance forces at all. Once we get a bridgehead, we will strike for Hamburg and Wilhelmshaven – and then march directly to Berlin.”
Truman stood. “I don’t have to remind you, I hope, that this is a secret,” he said. “All of the planning is devised around invading France; that’s the plan we hope that the Germans will pick up on. If anyone leaks this plan, for any reason at all, they will have their careers broken and charges of treason will be filed against them.”
There was a long uncomfortable pause. “Thank you all for coming,” Truman said. “Ambassador, stay behind a moment.”
The room emptied of its personnel. King stood and took a closer seat. “Mr President?”
Truman smiled tiredly. “Can the British pull this off?”
“If nothing goes wrong, then yes,” King said. “Clearing the docks is a task for Special Forces, and they have the best from 2015. The only question mark is how quickly the Germans can react.”
Truman nodded. “And Iran,” he mused. “They’ve set up one of their provisional governments there.”
“If the place holds together,” King said. He smiled. “Hating Iran was something of a national sport in my time.”
“I want some influence there,” Truman said. “What do you think about this GODS plan?”
“Someone has a sense of humour,” King said wryly. “A Grand Organisation of Democratic States indeed.”
“Congress was debating it last night,” Truman said. “So far, I’ve been too busy to comment on it. Should we join?”
King hesitated. “There are three parts to it,” he said. “It’s a debating forum for democracies only, it’s a pledge to commit military force to prevent weapons of mass destruction from falling into the hands of dictatorships, and it’s an agreement to invest to spread democracy. Personally, I’m in favour.”
“You were very anti-UN,” Truman said. “What brought about this change?”
“This… organisation won’t have the US constrained,” King said. “If funded properly, with proper oversight – I believe that Hanover intends to form a House of Commons Oversight Committee on the subject – it might work, particularly spreading democracy around the world.”
Truman smiled. “Hundreds of little dictators might take offence,” he said.
“That’s what went wrong with the first UN,” King said. “If we invest, we will build up a reserve of gratitude, to say nothing of markets. If we don’t, the British will do it and win the prize.”
Safe House
Washington DC, USA
1st May 1942
Nikolaus Ritter stepped inside the Safe House and removed his hat with a grand gesture. The message from Hoover had been unusually specific; it had demanded an immediate meeting with him. He’d half-considered ignoring the message, but the demands from Berlin for additional information was becoming so strident that he was starting to worry for his life.
“Good evening, Mr Hoover,” he said, taking a chair uninvited. “Your message said that it was urgent.”
Hoover smiled at him. Ritter recognised the desire for revenge within his smile. “Yes,” he said. “I have obtained information of great value, through a source in Congressman Jenkins’ office.” He snickered. “His assistant has large debts and is trading information to pay them off.”
Ritter nodded slowly. “Indeed,” he said. “What’s so important that you have to summon me?”