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subtle mind. I would sit on the Liberal benches and watch him, and

listen to his urbane voice, fascinated by him. Did he really care?

Did anything matter to him? And if it really mattered nothing, why

did he trouble to serve the narrowness and passion of his side? Or

did he see far beyond my scope, so that this petty iniquity was

justified by greater, remoter ends of which I had no intimation?

They accused him of nepotism. His friends and family were certainly

well cared for. In private life he was full of an affectionate

intimacy; he pleased by being charmed and pleased. One might think

at times there was no more of him than a clever man happily

circumstanced, and finding an interest and occupation in politics.

And then came a glimpse of thought, of imagination, like the sight

of a soaring eagle through a staircase skylight. Oh, beyond

question he was great! No other contemporary politician had his

quality. In no man have I perceived so sympathetically the great

contrast between warm, personal things and the white dream of

statecraft. Except that he had it seemed no hot passions, but only

interests and fine affections and indolences, he paralleled the

conflict of my life. He saw and thought widely and deeply; but at

times it seemed to me his greatness stood over and behind the

reality of his life, like some splendid servant, thinking his own

thoughts, who waits behind a lesser master's chair…

8

Of course, when Evesham talked of this ideal of the organised state

becoming so finely true to practicability and so clearly stated as

to have the compelling conviction of physical science, he spoke

quite after my heart. Had he really embodied the attempt to realise

that, I could have done no more than follow him blindly. But

neither he nor I embodied that, and there lies the gist of my story.

And when it came to a study of others among the leading Tories and

Imperialists the doubt increased, until with some at last it was

possible to question whether they had any imaginative conception of

constructive statecraft at all; whether they didn't opaquely accept

the world for what it was, and set themselves single-mindedly to

make a place for themselves and cut a figure in it.

There were some very fine personalities among them: there were the

great peers who had administered Egypt, India, South Africa,

Framboya-Cromer, Kitchener, Curzon, Milner, Gane, for example. So

far as that easier task of holding sword and scales had gone, they

had shown the finest qualities, but they had returned to the

perplexing and exacting problem of the home country, a little

glorious, a little too simply bold. They wanted to arm and they

wanted to educate, but the habit of immediate necessity made them

far more eager to arm than to educate, and their experience of

heterogeneous controls made them overrate the need for obedience in

a homogeneous country. They didn't understand raw men, ill-trained

men, uncertain minds, and intelligent women; and these are the

things that matter in England… There were also the great

business adventurers, from Cranber to Cossington (who was now Lord

Paddockhurst). My mind remained unsettled, and went up and down the

scale between a belief in their far-sighted purpose and the

perception of crude vanities, coarse ambitions, vulgar

competitiveness, and a mere habitual persistence in the pursuit of

gain. For a time I saw a good deal of Cossington-I wish I had kept

a diary of his talk and gestures, to mark how he could vary from day

to day between a POSEUR, a smart tradesman, and a very bold and

wide-thinking political schemer. He had a vanity of sweeping

actions, motor car pounces, Napoleonic rushes, that led to violent

ineffectual changes in the policy of his papers, and a haunting

pursuit by parallel columns in the liberal press that never abashed

him in the slightest degree. By an accident I plumbed the folly in

him-but I feel I never plumbed his wisdom. I remember him one day

after a lunch at the Barhams' saying suddenly, out of profound

meditation over the end of a cigar, one of those sentences that seem

to light the whole interior being of a man. "Some day," he said

softly, rather to himself than to me, and A PROPOS of nothing-"some

day I will raise the country."

"Why not?" I said, after a pause, and leant across him for the

little silver spirit-lamp, to light my cigarette…

Then the Tories had for another section the ancient creations, and

again there were the financial peers, men accustomed to reserve, and

their big lawyers, accustomed to-well, qualified statement. And

below the giant personalities of the party were the young bloods,

young, adventurous men of the type of Lord Tarvrille, who had seen

service in South Africa, who had travelled and hunted; explorers,

keen motorists, interested in aviation, active in army organisation.