The culture preached was old, but safe. XIX century’s. This is discussed in the chapter: “Ptomaine of the XIX century”, new culture trends were left behind the USSR borders, stopped by the iron curtain and thus left the soviet person without instruments of understanding and knowledge of the modern world. All revolutionary experiments in Russian art were stopped. In art with the help of the government only socialist realism won. By itself a bright, iconic, symbolical style – socialist realism obviously could not be used for everyday vile goals of lie and propaganda. And that is precisely how it was used for a half a hundred years. In art as in literature. As a result they devaluated it.
It’s too bad that the bold experiments did not make it, did not become the State style of art. After all during the first anniversary of the revolution Tatlin and co. painted the trees on Red Square in a bright-red color from pulverizers. After all the tower of the III International still today is a masterpiece of extreme radical art. After all there was the extraordinary architect Melnikov, he should have been allowed to build. After all the best cavalrymen of the 1st Mounted Army as a reward for bravery during the Civil war were given red leather riding breeches. Indeed they had enough fantasy!
I already said that the Bolsheviks did not destroy “adat”. Peter I, the tsar-revolutionary if he did not terminated all the “adat” of the shabby Muscovite Russia, then he crushed the two thirds of it. Well done, Petrishe! That’s a revolutionary! That’s a radical! After 1917 the characters of the serfdom world met all together again: the sadists and masochists, hangmen and victims. It is precisely from the “adat” that our pensioners inherited the mentality of submissive serfs, and our functionaries – the mentality of autocratic lords and our cops – the mentality of thick-skinned oprichniks. He who would set his goal to create a new Russia at any cost will have to be ready to break the spine of the Russian adat. So that the tribe of the submissive, coward people, quivering before the authority does not reborn again and again.
And finally, the last. Already Stalin openly strangled the Revolution. Once got rid of the genial spirit of the misfits he began after the war to directly restore the elements of the imperial regime destroyed in 1917. He turned his face to the already destroyed Orthodox Church, restored the officers estate, stripes, uniform, returned to classical-model education, began to build imperial buildings. Only his death stopped the Restauration.
Kruschev stopped the Imperial Restauration started by Stalin. However he fixed the USSR into an even more dangerous direction, he returned the country in the context of the bourgeois world civilization by the fact that he invented competition with the West. Doing that he did not understand with his down-to-earth mind of a shorty in a straw hat, fat-ass, that by competing you accept the standards of competition and inevitably become similar to the one you are competing with, the one who dictates you these standards. Kruschev completely landed, lowered the Russian revolution by the fact that he forced it to measure itself in the terminology of the gross national product, in kilowatts of energy, in tons of wheat. When it suited her to be measured in the amount of conquered territory, in quantities of wars, in the joy of acquiring new subjects, in the sexual comfort of the population, in the quantity of the people taken to the enemy, in the quantity of extreme historical scenes, in exploits, in the quantity of booty from military campaigns, in poems, in marches, and tragedies. Kruschev has banalized us all.
Subsequently, after Kruschev, the general Secretaries of the KPSS did not feel the capacity of their State anymore and did not feel their relation to the Revolution. What do the shaking Brejnev or Chernenko have in common with the cavalrymen in red riding breeches, charging with meter-long razors in hands against the polish ulans in Warsaw? Nothing. Such a sas story it is.
The future is well known. Introducing Russia to the context of the global association of States (partly this was done by Stalin) Bolshevist cesars started to preach the productivity of labor and not the world wealth of people of labor. Passing on the terminology of capitalism they passed unnoticeably for themselves on the practice of capitalism as well. Until 1985 it was still a State capitalism, in 1991 the thuggish, predatory one rushed in.
They had to stand firm. They had to categorically refuse to play in western games. Because the setting up of a single world economic space automatically involves after itself the apparition of a single world political space as well. That’s what happened inevitably. A single world government appeared. These are the seven most economically developed counties of the world and their leaders. Such a globalization, as it is called nowadays, destroys the liberties of particular countries and entire regions. When the regionalization, autonomy and separatism contribute to the freedom of peoples (and individuals). Remember the failure of the 1917 revolution always!
Lecture 13
The National-Bolshevik Party had two documents that were considered the bases of its ideology. This was the “NBP program” published a certain number of times in “Limonka” newspaper and Dugin’s booklet “The goals and the objectives of our revolution”.
Here I have to admit that I, as the party’s chairman, the “NBP program” always was a concession to the public politics, a some kind of shortened, simplified and vulgarized translation to the commoner’s language. A necessary vulgar document but by which the party did not live (well maybe on some points, particularly the objective of modifying the borders and the definition “who is Russian” was absolutely identical to our practical criterion for the selection of the party members) but which it put fort to the public view. To the public however our program seemed horrible and excessively extremist. In my view, meanwhile, the document looked extremely unradical.
First of all, the party and me, basing ourselves on the experience of a few electoral campaigns totally despised the TV-controlled electorate and as a result – the entire system of the allegedly democratic elections. It was clear how after recovering from the fear of 1991-1993 the old bureaucracy quickly learned how to manipulate the elections. Therefore the elected Parliament Chamber looked a bad nonsense (practically it was the keeping of the State Duma) in the NBP program. We were not going to elect anybody. Actually, I included in the NBP program a Chamber of representatives from 900 people, not elected, but appointed by the people of each region – a dozen of the most worthy people of the region. So it became a mix of democracy with a government in Petain’s style, it is in war-time France that there was a Chamber of Representatives. A contribution brought by Dougin: we transferred in our Program the economic model of the Yugoslavian socialism. When a business becomes private if it doesn’t have more than 5 workers; cooperative when there is up to 55 workers, in the hands of the working collective – up to 555; and of the State if there are more than 5555 workers. If I’m not mistaking. All this petty arithmetic is all there in our program and I feel bad for it, I admit, for all this arithmetic.
What concerns the booklet “Goals and objectives of our revolution”, then already after Dugin had left us in April 1998, I carefully read this work and grasped my head. Regardless of the always avant-garde and most fashionable ideological outfits of Alexander Gelievich I discovered in the booklet in no way a revolutionary, but a typical old priest Orthodox worldview, by the author’s fancy tied in a single whole with the concept of “estrangement” borrowed from the existentialist Sartre. Priesthood plus Sartre! It is still our luck that it wasn’t anywhere said that this was NBP ideology. The practical Geliyich proposed the booklet as an ideology of the opposition in general. The work appeared in 1995 and was always considered as supposedly our ideology. The style of this, in the highest extent absurd and old-fashioned booklet makes one assume that Dugin wrote it even before 1993, but apparently he was very eager to nail himself down as an ideologist, so not even having a new project then he just published the old stuff.