Burke's eyes widened. He had missed the elder Chan's backgrouind. "Ah ha. Let's talk about that when we get back to the office." Jerry wouldn't likely know much about what his father did at the nuclear weapons laboratory, but it might have prompted a curiosity to learn as much as he could about the subject. That would certainly be a plus.
The small briefing room at the huge State Department complex in Foggy Bottom had large, colorful maps hung about the walls. Otherwise, the furnishings appeared styled in government drab. Gregory Vanderpool, deputy director of the Korean Desk in the Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, stood behind a lectern in his stylish three-piece gray suit, well-trimmed gray hair, combed and sprayed, spectacles in gray plastic frames. He stared at the two men who sat in front of him. They had introduced themselves as Burke Hill and Jerry Chan.
"I understand you gentlemen will be opening a branch of your public relations firm in Seoul," Vanderpool said, eyeing them coolly, his arms folded. "I have been asked to brief you on some items of which you should be aware."
As he spread open his folder, the diplomat considered the two men who sat facing him. The order for the briefing had come down from the senior undersecretary, the number two man in the State Department. Somebody was using heavy influence. As he understood it, the firm these two represented would be launching a campaign designed to encourage Koreans to look more favorably upon American goods and services. That was a laudable goal, but one for which he gave them little chance for success. Vanderpool was a career bureaucrat. He had serious misgivings about non-diplomatic personnel involving themselves in foreign manipulations, areas that should be the exclusive preserve of the Department. Instead of two serious American businessmen devoted to the best interests of their country, he saw seated before him two private sector cowboys about to be loosed in the diplomatic arena.
"Korean-American relations are currently undergoing serious review on both sides," Vanderpool said with typical understatement. "The new Kwak government has embarked upon what is known as the Seventh Republic. His Democratic Unity Party won election under the banner of reunification with the North and a reduction of outside influence. They have moved fairly rapidly on both fronts. Following the fortuitous deaths of President Kim and his son, Kwak has begun talks with the considerably demoralized remnants of the government of the Democratic People's Republic. We think it very likely he will achieve agreement on some form of unification in the near future. The very fact that the North no longer offers any credible threat has allowed him to lower his guard. This, of course, permitted our government to follow through on a policy we had long desired, that of bringing home the last of our armed forces. As you know, we have maintained a large contingent of troops over there, at great cost, I might add, ever since the Korean War began."
Burke Hill nodded and said, "We're particularly interested in the second part of the Democratic Unity Party's platform, reducing outside influence. What, exactly, does that mean, Mr. Vanderpool?"
The diplomat began to chart a rather circuitous path to the answer. "From the outset of its efforts to rebuild its economy, South Korea was forced to depend heavily upon outside help. The country has no natural resources. Petroleum is nonexistent. Metal ore deposits are few. Anthracite coal is present in relatively small amounts. Due to the mountainous nature of most of the peninsula, there is limited space available for agriculture and animal husbandry. The nation possessed only a large pool of workers, people willing to give maximum effort over long periods of time, and a cadre of forward-thinking, innovative entrepreneurs."
He pointed out that GNP growth had reached as high as 12 percent some years, adding that Korea would soon be considered a developed nation if they continued to reach their projections. However, one problem they faced was overdependence on the United States. More than 40 percent of their trade had been with the U.S. The Kwak government appeared to be seeking to resolve that problem by shifting their emphasis toward trade with Europe.
"They have also concluded a trade agreement with Israel," he said, "although the way I read it, I doubt there will be any great advantage to this."
"We're all familiar with Nike and Hyundai," Hill said. "And I see lots of Gold Star TVs at K-Mart. Are these the main product lines they export?"
"Textiles and footwear are being downplayed now. Those are more suitable for less developed countries. In recent years Korea has been targeting high-technology and capital-intensive industries like machinery, automobiles, electronics. The Pohang Iron and Steel Company is the second-largest steel producer in the world. Up to now, the U.S. and Japan have provided the bulk of Korea's sources of supply, private investment, technology, economic assistance and export markets. They apparently want to reduce this influence, shift it to other areas, spread the risk, if you will."
Jerry Chan spoke up. "Isn't that a reflection of a growing sense of nationalism? Haven't all those student demonstrators been demanding it?"
Vanderpool frowned. Student demonstrators were unruly and anarchic. He detested anything that interfered with the established order. "The stronger and healthier the economy becomes, the more pressure there is for nationalism," he said, leaning on the lecturn as he considered a further clarification. "The younger generation was not around to observe what America did for them during the Korean War. They are inclined to view their economic success as totally self-produced. Indeed, they do tend to be nationalistic. By contrast, their elders have always painted themselves as downtrodden, demanding preferential treatment from us. As for Japan, the Koreans appear to expect eternal compensation for past aggression."
By the time they thanked Mr. Vanderpool and left, Burke and Jerry had a pretty clear picture of what they faced. A new government bent on reshuffling the cards, changing the equation among its old allies. Instead of the fair-haired boys that Americans had been for the past forty years, they could expect an uncertain reception in Seoul. The Korean desk man had suggested they contact the American Embassy on arrival and seek a more detailed account of the current situation. The diplomats on the scene, he said, could provide them a more accurate picture of specific problems they might encounter.
Chapter 15
Back at Worldwide's Sixteenth Street sanctum, they took the opportunity to become a bit better aquainted while relaxing in Burke's office over cups of Evelyn's coffee. It wasn't merely an idle boast about hers being better than Toni Carlucci's. Maybe it had to do with the filters, he speculated idly as Jerry related details of an operation he had carried out from Chiangmai, the bustling old walled city in northern Thailand, just below the Golden Triangle.
Evelyn interrupted on the intercom. "The Chief wants you and Mr. Chan to come meet some fellow he has in his office. Shall I tell him you're busy?"
Burke winced. "You want to get us both fired?"
"Just thought I'd test your independence," she said with a snicker.
"You ready to take me to raise?"
"Sorry, boss. Not with twins on the way."
He shook his head with a grin of resignation. "Come on, Jerry. The Chief wants a powwow. No doubt it concerns HANGOVER." Jerry had been briefed on everything about the operation except its origin. Only a handful of people had knowledge of the Korean-Israeli protocol.
As they walked down the hall, Jerry turned to Burke, his face shadowed by a cloud of uncertainly. "I've only talked briefly with Mr. Highsmith. He asked some pretty sharp questions. I hope there's no problem."
Burke patted him on the shoulder. Jerry was only thirty-four, but he had a lot of mileage behind him. "Don't worry. Nate picked you for the job. That means he's got the utmost confidence in you."