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Plautus, Am. 192, 196, 657) have been minutely scrutinized for what they

might reveal about the precise legal or other qualifications for a triumph

(Versnel [1970] 176–81; 356–71). But the point may be far less technical

than that: by piling up different ways of expressing the general’s responsi-

Notes to Pages 213–219

373

bility for his victory, it may serve rather to make that responsibility seem

uncontestable.

72. Livy 40, 38. Despite Livy’s claim of a triumphal innovation here, there are

stories of earlier triumphs said to have involved no fighting (Dionysius of

Halicarnassus, Ant. 8, 69, 1–2; Livy 37, 60, 5–6).

73. Livy 31, 48, 5; 49, 8–11.

74. Livy 33, 22, 9.

75. Livy 35, 8.

76. The same theme is reflected in Cato the Elder’s speech, “On false battles,”

delivered against the triumphal claims of Quintus Minucius Thermus in

190; ORF Cato, fr. 58.

77. Greater strife: Livy 39, 5, 12. The prospect of a triumph: Livy 28, 38, 4.

Nasica: Livy 36, 39, 8. “Desire for (true) glory”: Sallust, Cat. 7, 3; Harris (1979) 17–32.

78. Attacks on those who had come to terms: Suetonius, Jul. 54, 1; Dio

Cassius 36, 18, 1.

79. Livy 2, 47, 10–11. Among vain attempts to account for this: Auliard (2001)

140–1; and see below, p. 300–1.

80. Valerius Maximus 2, 8, 3.

81. Pis. 44; reminiscent of Caelius’ quip (see above, n. 3).

82. Nisbet (1961) 172–80.

83. Cicero, Pis. 37–8; 54.

84. Cicero, Pis. 51–2 (Cicero’s return); 53–64 (Piso’s return). Piso’s return as

“anti-triumph”: Itgenshorst (2005) 82–8.

85. Griffin (2001) is a careful analysis of the Epicurean elements in the

speech, attempting to reveal both Piso’s own philosophical position and

the original audience’s philosophical familiarity and understanding.

86. Cicero, Pis. 60. This section is so expertly parodic that it has been taken for Cicero’s own philosophical critique of triumphal trinkets (Brilliant

[1999] 225). The passage continues, dropping the parody, to make Piso

“put his own case in the worst light” (Nisbet [1961] ad loc.).

87. Cicero, Pis. 56.

88. Cicero, Pis. 62, 58.

7 . P L AY I N G G O D

1. Cafiero (1986) 38–9.

2. A particular puzzle is their relationship to eight similar reliefs, originally

depicting Marcus, later incorporated into the Arch of Constantine. Dif-

Notes to Pages 221–222

374

ferent solutions: Ryberg (1967) 1–8, 84–9; Angelicoussis (1984); Cafiero

(1986).

3. Schollmeyer (2001) 152–68. Examples include: Arch of Germanicus:

Crawford et al. (1996) 1, no. 37, 18–21; Arch of Nero: F. S. Kleiner (1985) 78–9.

4. This is another of those faux, or nearly faux, Latin terms that litter modern writing in ancient history ( Romanitas, lararium are others). So far as I have been able to discover, in surviving classical Latin it is used twice by

Apuleius ( Apol. 17 of Manius Curius; Mun. 37 of Jupiter), once by Minucius Felix ( Octavius 37 of a Christian). From the late third century

ce it is commonly found in inscriptions among the titles of emperors

( triumphator perpetuus/aeternus/semper—that is “perpetual triumphator”):

e.g., CIL VI 1141, 1144, 1178; CIL VIII, 7011 (= ILS 698, 700, 5592, 715).

From the fourth century, it is found similarly in coin legends: e.g., RIC

VIII, 410, Constantius II and Constans ( triumfator gentium barbarum

that is, “triumphator over barbarian tribes”); RIC X, 325–6, Honorius

(triumfator gent[ium] barb[arum]).

5. Suggestions include the arch spanning the road up the Capitoline hill

with the nearby Temple of Jupiter Tonans (the Thunderer) or alterna-

tively Jupiter Custos (the Protector); the Arch of Augustus in the Forum,

with the nextdoor Temple of Divus Julius; the Porta Triumphalis with its

supposed neighbor Fortune the Home-Bringer; the Temple of Bellona.

General review: Ryberg (1967) 19–20; Cafiero (1986) 39. Arch of Augus-

tus: M. R. Alföldi (1999) 93.

6. Diodorus Siculus 31, 8, 10 (from the excerption of George Syncellus); Plu-

tarch, Marc. 22, 2; Appian, Pun. 66. Musicians at various Roman ceremonies, including the triumph: Fless (1995) 79–86.

7. The relief: Fless (1995) pl. 10. 2. It is dated, stylistically, to the mid-first century bce. Musicians also appear in a relief now in Spain, which almost

certainly depicts the procession of Augustus’ triumph of 29 bce (Trunk

[2002] 250–4; pl. 68, 71a; ThesCRA I, 48, no. 75) and the manuscript copy

of a lost processional relief (Pfanner [1980] 331).

8. Zonaras, Epitome 7, 21. Roman and Italic chariots of various types:

Emiliozzi (1997).

9. Suetonius, Nero 25, 1; Dio Cassius 63, 20, 3 (from a Byzantine abridg-

ment). J. F. Miller (2000) 417–9. A different version is offered by the bi-

ographer of the late third-century emperor Aurelian (SHA, Aurelian 33,

2): that in his triumph Aurelian used a chariot captured from the king of

the Goths.

Notes to Pages 223–229

375

10. Ginzrot (1817) 2, 41.

11. Suetonius, Vesp. 12. Similar problems: SHA, Severus 16, 6.

12. Appian, Mith. 117; Diodorus Siculus, 31, 8, 12 (from the excerption of George Syncellus); Livy 10, 7, 10. Among the host of other references to

gold, gilded, or ivory chariots: Horace, Epod. 9, 21–2; Florus, Epit. 1, 1 (1, 5, 6); Tibullus 1, 7, 8; Ovid, Tr. 4, 2, 63.

13. Propertius 4, 11, 11–2. See also Cicero, Fam. 15, 6, 1; Florus, Epit. 2, 13 (4, 2, 89); Pliny, Nat. 5, 36.

14. Valerius Maximus 1, 1, 10.

15. Ryberg (1967) 17–8; Chilosi and Martellotti (1986) 48.

16. Germanicus: Tacitus, Ann. 2, 41. Scipio: Appian, Pun. 66. Aemilius Paullus: Livy 45, 40, 7–8. Flory (1998) doubts that girls were part of the

triumph until the imperial period, and (not implausibly) considers that

Appian and Dio (Zonaras, Epitome 7, 21) are retrojecting imperial prac-

tice into the Republic.

17. Briefly reported by Murray (2004) 9.

18. Suetonius, Tib. 6, 4.

19. E.g., Gnecchi (1912) pl. 60, 7; RIC III, Marcus Aurelius, no. 1183.

20. Boscoreale: Kuttner (1995) 145.

21. Livy 10, 7, 10.

22. Frazer (1911) 174–8.

23. Religious representation: Scheid (1986). Other advocates of the general’s

divine status include: Wissowa (1912) 126–8; Strong (1915) 64–5; with fur-

ther references in Versnel (1970) 62.

24. Seminal critics include: Reid (1916); Warde Fowler (1916) (from whom

the challenge, p. 157); Deubner (1934); most recently Rüpke (2006) 254–

9. Full review of the debate: Versnel (1970) 56–84; (2006), specifically in

response to Rüpke. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. 3, 61–2; with 4, 74, 1