and similarly Florus, Epit. 1, 1 (1, 5, 6).
25. Versnel (1970) 84–93; Bonfante Warren (1970a).
26. Ovid, Ars. 1, 214; Tr. 4, 2, 48; Livy 45, 39, 2; 45, 40, 6; Silius Italicus 17, 645.
27. Livy, Periochae 67; Plutarch, Mar. 12, 5. Variants include cultus triumphantium (Velleius Paterculus 2, 40, 4); habitus triumphalis (Pliny, Nat. 34, 33).
28. I am not including here images of late antique consuls dressed in costume
which may mirror triumphal costume; below, pp. 277–9.
29. The repertoire is fully rehearsed by Ehlers, RE 2. VIIA, 1, 504–8, with references. As usual the evidence is more fragile than the reconstruction
Notes to Pages 229–231
376
tends to imply: the amulet is, for example, referred to once by Macrobius
(1, 6, 9), the iron ring by Pliny only ( Nat. 33, 11–2). The sanest modern
account, though not quite skeptical enough for my taste: Oakley (2005b)
100–4.
30. Ehlers, RE 2. VIIA, 1, 505–6; Versnel (1970) 74–7.
31. Festus, p. 228L; Martial 7, 2, 8; Apuleius, Apol. 22. Less precise: Oakley (2005b) 101 (of course, we have no idea how precise the terminology was
in, say, the third century bce).
32. Festus, p. 228L.
33. Livy 10, 7, 10; see also Juvenal 10, 38 (the praetor leading the games in the
“tunic of Jupiter”), a passage quoted by Servius ( Ecl. 10, 27) who refers to triumphing generals having “all the insignia of Jupiter”; in the dream of
Augustus’ father (Suetonius, Aug. 94, 6), his son holds the “thunderbolt,
scepter, and attributes of Jupiter” (the closest we come to answering
Warde Fowler’s challenge, n. 24).
34. Tertullian, De Corona 13, 1, with Versnel (1970) 73–4; (2006) 302–3. By contrast, Andreas Alföldi, among others, seems to have envisaged a costume store-cum-dressing-up box in the Capitoline temple (A. Alföldi
[1935] 28).
35. There is very little evidence for the appearance of the cult statue; but it
would be surprising if (at least those versions installed after 83 bce) were
only life-size (Martin [1987] 131–44).
36. Triumphal impersonations at funerals: Polybius 6, 53, 7; Pompey’s pyre:
Lucan 9, 175–9. None of this is easily compatible with a puzzling passage
in the late imperial life of Gordian I (SHA, Gordians 4, 4): “He was the
first private citizen among the Romans to possess his own tunica palmata
and toga picta, for previously even emperors had taken them from the
Capitol or from the palace.” It is possible that the author has the ceremo-
nial/inaugural dress of the imperial consuls in mind.
37. As a technical term, Versnel (1970) 58 (and passim); (2006) 295–6, 301
(and passim); Bonfante Warren (1970a) 59 (“the Romans often refer to
the insignia of the triumphator as the ‘ornatus’ of Jupiter Optimus
Maximus”).
38. Pliny, Nat. 33, 111–2 (the full quotation is rarely given by modern theorists; in particular, Pliny’s expression of bafflement is almost never in-
cluded); see also 35, 157 where he explains the coloring of the original
statue of Jupiter as necessary because it was made of terracotta. Later writ-
ers: Servius (auct.), Ecl. 6, 22; Isidore, Orig. 18, 2, 6; Tzetzes, Epistulae 97.
39. Statue of Jupiter: Versnel (1970) 78–84, with discussion of other theories.
Notes to Pages 232–236
377
The most extreme argument for the equivalence of the general with com-
memorative statuary more widely is Rüpke (2006), countered by Versnel
(2006) esp. 304–8. Scheid (1986) esp. 221–4 offers a more subtle version.
40. Quotation: Wagenvoort (1947) 167. Austronesian idea of mana as a useful term in the analysis Roman religion (and as an equivalent of the Latin
word numen): H. J. Rose (1948) 12–49; Wagenvoort (1947) 5–11; with the
devastating critique of Dumézil (1970) 18–31.
41. Martin (1987) 131–44.
42. The difficulties of identifying a clear Etruscan prehistory for the triumph
is discussed below, pp. 306–12.
43. Beard, North, and Price (1998) 1, 84–7; 140–9; 2, 216–28. Deification as a
problematic Roman category: Beard and Henderson (1998).
44. Note, however, that the especially splendid head of the outermost horse is
restoration of the late sixteenth century (La Rocca [1986] col. pl. 3).
45. SHA, Aurelian 33, 3.
46. Dio Cassius 43, 14, 3.
47. Camillus: Livy 5, 23, 5–6; Plutarch, Cam. 7, 1; see also Dio Cassius 52, 13, 3
and Diodorus Siculus, 14, 117, 6 (with a variant tradition that Camillus
did not triumph at all). Full discussion of Caesar, Camillus, and the di-
vine associations of white horses: Weinstock (1971) 68–75, which is part of
a sustained argument for Caesar’s personal ambition to become a god
during his lifetime. Different emphasis, critiques, and further references:
Versnel (1970) 67–8; North (1975) 173.
48. Quotation: Weinstock (1971) 68. Any such argument relies on the conve-
nient assumption that no writer bothered to mention the usual, but only
drew attention to the exceptions.
49. Propertius 4, 1, 32; Ovid, Fast. 6, 723–4; Tibullus 1, 7, 7–8 (translating nitidis, though the variant reading niveis would make them more securely white); Pliny, Pan. 22, 1. Servius, Aen. 4, 543 asserts the general rule that
“the triumphing general uses four white horses.”
50. Suetonius, Aug. 94, 6; though four horses are the usual number, several visual representations multiply the animals, as here (e.g. RIC II, Trajan, no. 255; IV Septimius Severus, no. 259); see also SHA, Gordians 27, 9.
51. Whether elephants were more a feature of triumphal imagination than
triumphal reality is a moot point. But various later emperors are (reliably
or not) said to have succeeded where Pompey failed: SHA, Gordians 27, 9;
Severus Alexander 57, 4 (an empty chariot); cf Lactantius De Mortibus
Persecutorum 16, 6.
52. Arch of Titus: Cassiodorus, Variae 10, 30, 1; Pfanner (1983) 3, 99; LTUR
Notes to Pages 236–243
378
s.v. Arcus Titii (Via Sacra). Domitian: Martial 8, 65; above pp. 98–9. Au-
gustus: De Maria (1988) 269; pl. 43.4; BMCRE I, Augustus, no. 432 ( =
Fig. 18); Rich (1998) 119, suggesting that the triumph voted to Augustus in
19 bce, but not celebrated, included the use of elephants.
53. Above, p. 17.
54. Pfanner (1983) 76–9; Beard and Henderson (1998) 209–10.
55. See, for example, Figs. 23, 26, and 30. It is hard to determine exactly the
status of these men, but a case has been made for identifying some as
equestrian officials (Gabelmann [1981]).
56. “The whole senate”: Valerius Maximus 7, 5, 4. Magistrates: Dio Cassius
51, 21, 9. Messalina: Suetonius, Cl. 17, 3; Flory (1998) 492–3. Carpentum: Boyce (1935–6) 5–7. Julia Domna represented in a triumphal context (on