43. Aemilius Paullus: De Viris Illustribus 56, 5. Pompey: Velleius Paterculus 2, 40, 4; Dio Cassius 37, 21, 4. Marius: Plutarch, Mar. 12, 5. Metellus Pius: Valerius Maximus 9, 1, 5; Plutarch, Sert. 22, 2; Sallust, Hist. 2, 59. I am not convinced by Sumi (2005) 37 that Cato the Younger was granted a similar
honor.
44. Only the clipped account of Aemilius Paullus’ honor implies no unfavor-
able moral judgment.
45. Polybius 6, 53, 7.
46. E.g., Rawson (1975a) 155: “the gift of the trappings of a triumphator to
foreign kings.”
47. Massinissa, 203: Livy 30, 15, 11–2 (also 31, 11, 11–2, under 200 bce);
Appian, Pun. 32 (though listing a different set of gifts). Honors to Syphax and others, 210 bce (with nothing specifically triumphal, though
Notes to Pages 274–277
384
Deubner (1934) 318 would see purple tunic and toga here as a reflection of
early triumphal dress): Livy 27, 4, 8–10. Honors to Eumenes, 172, and
Ariarathes, 160 (curule chair and scepter; the scepter may, or may not,
specifically evoke the triumph): Livy 42, 14, 10; Polybius 32, 1, 3. Mythical
regal examples: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ant. 3, 61; 5, 35, 1. Other gifts of chairs or thrones: Weinstock (1957) 148. Despite a tendency to treat it
as a similar example, Caesar, Gal. 1, 43 (gifts to Ariovistus) does not specify what the gifts were.
48. Tacitus, Ann. 4, 26 (Dolabella is also contrasted earlier, 4, 23 with those generals who left the enemy alone once they had done enough to earn triumphal insignia); Martin and Woodman (1989) 155–60.
49. Maxfield (1981) 105.
50. Whether the Augustan triumphal ornaments could have influenced Livy’s
account depends on the (disputed) date of their first award, which could
have been before or after the composition of this section of Livy’s History.
Suetonius, Tib. 9, 2 states that the first award went to Tiberius, but
whether that was in 12 bce (Dio Cassius 54, 31, 4) or earlier is uncertain;
see Taylor (1936) 168–70.
51. Statue: Dio Cassius 55, 10, 3. Dress: Suetonius Cl. 17, 3, with discussion above, p. 70.
52. Dio Cassius 43, 44, 2; Suetonius, Jul. 76, 1 both claim that this title went back to Caesar. Modern scholarship (critically reviewed by Weinstock
[1971] 106–11) has suspected a retrojection from an Augustan innova-
tion—which was fully established practice by the end of the Julio-
Claudian dynasty.
53. A. Alföldi (1935) 25–43.
54. Dio Cassius 43, 43, 1; 44, 4, 2; Appian, BC 2, 106.
55. Dio Cassius 48, 16, 1; 49, 15, 1; 51, 20, 2; 53, 26, 5. Date of Tiberius’ tri-
umph: Dio Cassius 55, 8, 1–2. Augustus’ absence on Jan. 1, 7 bce:
Halfmann (1986) 159.
56. Royal costume: Dio Cassius 44, 6, 1. Confusion: Mommsen (1887) 1, 416.
Two separate decrees: Weinstock (1971) 271.
57. Plutarch, Ant. 12, 1; Dio Cassius 44, 11, 2.
58. Weinstock (1971) 270–5. Quotation: Pelling (1988) 145.
59. Suetonius, Cal. 52; Dio Cassius 59, 26, 10.
60. Dio Cassius 67, 4, 3; 60, 6, 9.
61. Claudian: Panegyricus de IV Consulatu Honorii esp. 1–17, 565–656; De VI Consulatu Honorii esp. 560–602, with MacCormack (1981) 52–4; Dewar
(1996) 370–97. Corippus: In Laudem Justini Minoris 4, with Cameron
Notes to Pages 278–281
385
(1976) 194–211. Discussions of the processus, with further references:
Jullian (1883); Meslin (1970) 55–9.
62. Cameron (1976) 12.
63. Corippus, In Laudem Justini Minoris. 4, 80, 227, 101. Claudian too presents a triumphal image: Panegyricus de IV Consulatu Honorii 14; De VI
Consulatu Honorii. 579–80; and through analogy with triumphal Bacchus
(below, pp. 315–8). Triumphal/consular toga: Delbrueck (1929) esp. 65–6;
Stern (1953) 152–68 (though exactly how close any of these version are to
the strictly triumphal toga picta is unclear).
64. Other poems of Claudian celebrate the inauguration of consuls other
than the ruling emperor (e.g. De Consulatu Stilichonis 2, 356–69) and
these are less emphatically triumphal. However, Stern (1953) 152–68 sug-
gests an increasing divergence between the dress of emperor-consuls and
others—the latter remaining more strictly “triumphal.”
65. Ovid, Pont. 4, 4, 27–42; 9, 1–56. Livy 21, 63, 8 may perhaps have a republican version of such a ceremony in mind. The scanty other evidence for
consular inauguration is assembled by Mommsen (1887) 1, 615–7.
66. Martial 10, 10, 1.
67. Documentary depiction: D. E. E. Kleiner (1983) 81–90. Metaphor/
literalization: Schäfer (1989) 380–1; Smith (1998) 71 (though exactly what
Smith means by “a metaphorical consular pompa[?]” [sic] is not clear).
Stern (1953) 158–63 argues strongly that the ceremonial of consular inau-
guration did not involve a chariot, and would see in this a representation
of the procession at the consular games. Others, including Schäfer, are
warm to this possibility, even though consular games were not at this date
a regular obligation of the office and despite the clear reference to the
Arch of Titus.
68. Cameron (1976) 196, 201, 202.
69. Marius: Sallust, Jug. 114, 3; Velleius Paterculus 2, 12, 1; Plutarch, Mar. 12, 2; Dio Cassius 48, 4, 5. Pompey: Velleius Paterculus 2, 30, 2. Lepidus:
Degrassi, Inscr. It. XIII. 1, 567; Antonius: Dio Cassius 48, 4, 3–6;
Censorinus: Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. XIII. 1, 568; Maximus: Degrassi, Inscr.
Ital. XIII. 1, 567, in October roughly at the beginning of his “three-month consulship” (Suetonius, Jul. 80, 3). Lucius Munatius Plancus also triumphed in 43 just a few days before his consulship (Degrassi, Inscr. It.
XIII. 1, 567). Sumi (2005) 248 and Hölscher (1967) 85 see some of the im-
portance of the connection; Mommsen (1887) 1, 127 n. 1 predictably tries
to link it to the imperium of the general/consul.
70. Juvenal 10, 36–46.
Notes to Pages 281–283
386
71. It is often taken for granted that Juvenal is referring to the Ludi
Apollinares (e.g. Versnel [1970] 130); but other games were conducted by a
praetor (Dio Cassius 54, 2, 3). Unconvincingly, “consul” has been taken as
an interpolation (Courtney [1980] 458) or a desperate attempt to avoid
too much alliteration with the letter “p” (Ferguson [1979] 258).
72. Versnel (2006) 294 sums up trenchantly: “The idea that the pompa
circensis and the triumph belong in some way together is one of the uni-
versals in the discussion of the triumph.”
73. Mommsen (1859), quotation p. 81. He also pointed to the fact that Livy
claims that the “ludi Romani alternatively called magni” (Livy 1, 35, 9) were founded to celebrate a military victory and that the starting point of
the pompa circensis was the same as the endpoint of the triumphal proces-