Although upon coming to power the Bolsheviks had condemned secret diplomacy in the strongest terms and made many secret treaties of the “imperialist powers” public, where their own interests were involved they showed no aversion to such practices. There were three secret clauses attached to the Supplementary Treaty, signed by Ioffe for Russia and Hintze for Germany: these became public knowledge only years afterward and have not been published to this day in the Soviet Union. They formalized Germany’s acceptance of Moscow’s requests of August 1 for German military intervention.
One of these secret provisions elaborated Article 5 of the Supplementary Treaty, in which the Russians undertook to expel the Allies from Murmansk. The clause specified that if the Russians were unable to do so, the task would be accomplished by a combined Finno-German force.*
To work out the plan of this operation, the commander of the Petrograd Military District, Vladimir Antonov-Ovseenko, went at the end of August to Berlin at the head of a delegation of the Commissariat of War.206 He agreed that the projected assault on Murmansk would be carried out by German troops; as previously proposed, the mission of the Russian forces would be to intercept the British in the event they advanced on Moscow from Archangel. The two sides clashed over Petrograd. Ludendorff insisted that the Germans had to occupy Petrograd as a base of operations against Murmansk, but Moscow would have none of it. To minimize the bad impression that the movement of German troops across Russian territory would produce, Moscow suggested a variety of deceptive measures, one of which had the German troops serving under the “nominal” command of a Russian officer.207 The actual commander, the Russians agreed, would be a German generaclass="underline" at one point the Soviet side suggested for the part Field Marshal August von Mackensen, the Adjutant General of the Kaiser, who had dealt Russian forces a crushing defeat in Galicia in 1915.208 The operation was being mounted when Germany surrendered.209
The second secret clause, even more sensitive because it involved German action not against foreign forces but against Russians, confirmed German acceptance of the Bolshevik request to initiate operations against the Volunteer Army. The Germans committed themselves to such action in the following words:
Germany expects Russia to apply all the available means to suppress immediately the insurrections of General Alekseev and the Czechoslovaks: Russia, on the other hand, recognizes [nimmt Akt] that Germany, too, will proceed with all available forces against General Alekseev.*
This commitment the Germans also took seriously. On August 13, Ioffe communicated to Moscow that after the Supplementary Treaty had been ratified, the Germans would take energetic measures to crush the Volunteer Army.210
Germany promised to intervene against the British and Denikin’s army in response to Soviet requests. The third secret clause came at German insistence and was forced on the unwilling Russians. It obliged the Soviet Government to expel from Baku the British force that had been there since August 4. As in the case of the other two clauses, it stipulated that if Soviet forces proved unequal to the task, the Wehrmacht would assume responsibility, † This provision was also not implemented, because the Turks occupied Baku on September 16, before the German forces were ready to move.
The three secret clauses ensured that if Germany had not collapsed, she would have secured not only an economic but also a military stranglehold on Soviet Russia.
In his report on the Supplementary Treaty to the Reichstag (of course, omitting mention of the secret clauses), Hintze asserted that it laid the basis for Russo-German “coexistence” (Nebeneinanderleben).211 Chicherin used similar language to the Central Executive Committee on September 2, which unanimously ratified the treaty: despite the “profoundest difference between the Russian and German systems and the basic tendencies of the two governments,” he stated,
peaceful coexistence [mirnoe sozhitel’stvo] of the two nations, which is always the object of the strivings of our worker and peasant government, is at present also desirable for the ruling circles of Germany.212
This is one of the earliest recorded uses in an official statement of the term “peaceful coexistence,” which the Soviet Government would dust off after Stalin’s death.
The two governments now drew steadily closer: one week before Germany’s collapse, they were in a state of de facto political, economic, and military alliance. Hintze was fanatically committed to the support of the Bolsheviks. In early September, when Moscow unleashed its Red Terror, in which thousands of hostages were massacred, he prevented the German press from publishing full accounts of these atrocities sent by correspondents in Russia, for fear of creating public revulsion injurious to further collaboration.213
In September, at Moscow’s request, Germany began to supply Soviet Russia with fuel and weapons. In response to an urgent appeal for coal, the Foreign Office arranged in the second half of October for twenty-five German ships to sail for Petrograd with 70,000 tons of coal and coke. Only about one-half or less managed to reach its destination before the shipments were suspended because the two countries broke off relations. The fuel unloaded in Petrograd went to plants manufacturing weapons for the Red Army.214
In September, Ioffe requested 200,000 rifles, 500 million bullets, and 20,000 machine guns. Under pressure from the Foreign Office, Ludendorff gave his reluctant consent, after managing to remove machine guns from the list. This deal did not materialize, due to the departure of Hintze and Chancellor Hertling: the new Chancellor, Prince Maximilian of Baden, was much less enthusiastic about a pro-Bolshevik policy.215
Despite the looming defeat of the Central Powers, Moscow punctiliously fulfilled the financial obligations of the Supplementary Treaty. On September 10, it shipped to Germany gold worth 250 million deutsche marks as the first payment of compensation, and on September 30, a second installment of 312.5 million deutsche marks, partly in gold and partly in rubles. The third installment, due on October 31, it did not pay because by then Germany was on the verge of surrendering.
The Bolsheviks believed in the victory of their German friends as late as the end of September 1918. Then things happened which forced them to change their mind. The resignation on September 30 of Chancellor Hertling, followed by the dismissal a few days later of Hintze, removed their most loyal supporters in Berlin. The new Chancellor, Prince Maximilian, requested President Wilson to use his good offices to arrange for an armistice. These were unmistakable symptoms of a looming collapse. Lenin, who at this time was recovering at a dacha near Moscow from wounds suffered in an attempt on his life (see below, this page), at once stirred into action. He instructed Trotsky and Sverdlov to convene the Central Committee to discuss urgent questions of foreign policy. On October 3 he sent to the Central Executive Committee an analysis of the situation in Germany in which he spoke glowingly of the prospects for an imminent revolution there.216 At his recommendation, the CEC on October 4 adopted a resolution in which it “declare[d] to the entire world that Soviet Russia will offer all its forces and resources to aid the German revolutionary government.”217