This point is vigorously and persuasively argued by Brian Pearce in How Haig Saved Lenin (London, 1987).
*Izvestiia, No. 22/286 (January 28, 1918), 1, emphasis added. Heraclitus actually said something slightly different: “Strife [not war] is the father and the king of all; some he has made slaves, and some free.”
* Joseph Noulens, Mon Ambassade en Russie Soviétique, II (Paris, 1933), 57–58; A. Hogenhuis-Seliverstoff, Les Relations Franco-Soviétiques, 1917–1024 (Paris, 1981), 59. Noulens wanted to add a further condition that Allied citizens be granted in Russia “the same advantages, privileges, and compensations” that German nationals had received in the Brest Treaty, but he had to drop this demand: Hogenhuis-Seliverstoff, Les Relations, 59.
*Winfried Baumgart, Deutsche Ostpolitik 1918 (Vienna-Munich, 1966), 49. There is no basis whatever for Hogenhuis-Seliverstoff’s claim (Les Relations, 60) that it was Noulens who deliberately “ruptured” a looming accord between the Allies and Moscow by giving, at the end of April, an admittedly tactless newspaper interview in which he justified Japanese landings in Vladivostok. The Bolsheviks were not that easily insulted.
†On him, see Wilhelm Joost, Botschafter bei den roten Zaren (Vienna, 1967), 17–63, which is not entirely reliable.
*His papers were edited by Karl Dietrich Erdmann: Kurt Riezler: Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente (Göttingen, 1972). This edition has come under criticism from some German scholars for liberties alleged to have been taken with the texts. See further K. H. Jarausch in SR, XXXI, No. 2 (1972), 381–98.
*It deserves note that neither then nor later in private conversation did Lenin claim popular support as a source of strength: he rather saw it in the disunity of his opponents. In 1920 he told Bertrand Russell that two years earlier he and his associates had doubted they could survive the hostility which surrounded them. “He attributes their survival to the jealousies and divergent interests of the different capitalist nations, also to the power of Bolshevik propaganda”: Bertrand Russell, Bolshevism (New York, 1920), 40.
*The Bolshevik Government received from the Germans monthly subsidies of 3 million marks in June, July, and August: Z. A. B. Zeman, ed., Germany and the Revolution in Russia, 1915–1918 (London-New York, 1958), 130.
*A selection of Ioffe’s dispatches to Lenin appears in ISSSR, No. 4 (1958), 3–26, edited by I. K. Kobliakov.
*Baumgart, Ostpolitik, 352n. Ioffe says that although he maintained contacts with all German parties, from extreme right to extreme left, he studiously avoided relations with the Social-Democrats, the party of “social traitors”: VZh, No. 5 (1919), 37–38. This policy, pursued on Lenin’s instructions, anticipated Stalin’s policies fifteen years later, which, by forbidding the German Communists to cooperate with the Social-Democrats against the Nazis, has been widely blamed for making possible Hitler’s rise to power.
*This seems to be the earliest mention of concentration camps in Soviet pronouncements.
*M. Klante, Von der Wolga zum Amur (Berlin, 1931), 157. Sadoul, who may have received his information from Trotsky, distributed the legion at the end of May differently: 5,000 in Vladivostok, 20,000 between Vladivostok and Omsk, and another 20,000 west of Omsk, in European Russia: J. Sadoul, Notes sur la Révolution Bolchevique (Paris, 1920), 366.
†A medical assistant in the Austro-Hungarian army, he had been promoted to the rank of captain in the Czechoslovak Corps. In 1919, he fought in the armies of Admiral Kolchak. After Czechoslovakia gained independence, he served as chief of staff, until his arrest on charges of betraying military secrets, of which the courts acquitted him. Later still, he collaborated with the Nazis.
*“One is reduced to the conclusion that external instigation or encouragement, either from the Allies or from the central headquarters of the underground Whites, played no significant part in the decision of the Czechs to take arms against the Soviet power. The outbreak of these hostilities was a spontaneous occurrence … desired by none of the parties concerned”: G. F. Kennan, The Decision to Intervene (Princeton, N.J., 1958), 164.
†Baumgart, Ostpolitik, 227; Erdmann, Riezler, 474; Alfons Paquet in Winfried Baumgart, ed., Von Brest-Litovsk zur deutschen Novemberrevolution (Göttingen, 1971), 76. Muraviev defected anyway in early July and died at the hands of his troops.
*Erdmann, Riezler, 711–12. Riezler included the Kadets among Germany’s potential allies because their leader, Miliukov, then living in the Ukraine, had come out in favor of a pro-German orientation. Other Kadets remained true to the Allies.
* According to their commander, I. I. Vatsetis, by that time most of the Latvian units had been dispatched to the Volga-Ural Front: Pamiat’, No. 2 (1979), 16.
*V. Vladimirova in PR, No. 4/63 (1927), 122–23; Lenin, Sochineniia, XXIII, 554–56; Krasnaia Kniga VChK, II (Moscow, 1920), 148–55. Proshian had served as Commissar of Post and Telegraphs earlier in the year.
*It is known from Riezler’s recollections (Erdmann, Riezler, 474) that the German Embassy had to bribe the Latvians to move against the Left SRs.
*Before her escape, Spiridonova addressed a long letter to the Bolshevik Central Committee. It was published the following year by her followers under the title Otkrytoe pis’mo M. Spiridonovoi Tsentral’nomu Komitetu partii bol’shevikov (Moscow, 1920). The Hoover Institution Library has a copy.
*On May 24, the French Consul General in Moscow, Grenard, who served as intermediary between the French Ambassador and Savinkov, advised Noulens that Savinkov was planning to stage an anti-Bolshevik uprising in the middle of June in the Volga area. That Noulens needed this information, not quite correct in any event, confirms his claim that he had not been involved in Savinkov’s plot: Noulens, Mon Ambassade, II, 109–10. The Grenard dispatch is in the Archive of the French Foreign Ministry, Guerre, Vol. 671, Noulens No. 318, May 24, 1918.
†Boris Savinkov, Bor’ba s Bol’shevikami (Warsaw, 1923), 26. A. I. Denikin, Ocherki Russkoi Smuty, III (Berlin, 1924), 79, claims that the actual figure was 2,000–3,000.
*Krasnaia Kniga VChK, I (Moscow, 1920), 1–42. At his trial in 1924 (Boris Savinkov pered Voennoi Kollegiei Verkhovnogo Suda SSSR, Moscow, 1924, 46–47), Savinkov denied having had a formal program.