“How long? Not sure. At best, a few months, but that’s a long shot. Probably through the summer, at least. The outcome? We want to see Kurdish independence and to settle Saddam Hussein’s hash once and for all!” I said, shrugging my shoulders.
There were some people looking at each other. John said, “You’re going to need a war resolution in the Senate, at least.”
I looked at the Senators in the room. “Probably so. I’ll be honest. I have no idea how to go about doing that. Bill, Harry, I am going to need your help on this. I will get Carter Braxton to talk to your staffs and you, and see about doing that. He’s better at that than I am. In the meantime, pick out some people on the Armed Services and Intelligence committees and we’ll get them into a briefing with the Pentagon tomorrow.”
There were some nods at that, and then I got an interesting question from John Boehner. “Sorry you shut down the guys who wanted to invade Iraq in 2001?”
“Why, because now we have to do it anyway?” I countered. He nodded, and there were a few semi-smiles around the room. I shook my head. “No, not really. It’s one of those things we take classes on in the service. If we had attacked Iraq five years ago, on the basis of faked evidence and a desire to conquer the country, that would be an offensive war, a war of aggression. We would have had to go in alone, without any international support. This is a defensive war, where we are defending people against weapons of mass destruction, and we already have a number of nations who have promised help. There’s a world of difference. We have the moral high ground on this, in spades.” I thought for a second, and added, “Go talk to Lindsey Graham. He’s a reserve JAG lawyer. He can give you chapter and verse on the laws of war and the concept of a ‘just’ war. This stuff dates back to the Middle Ages.”
A few of the people looked skeptical, but there were also some thoughtful looks in the group. At that moment, there was a knock on the door and Will Brucis stuck his head in. I waved him in. “Will, I just informed the leadership here about the Kurdish operation. What’s up?”
“It’s public, sir,” he told me.
“The Kurdish operation?”
“Yes, sir. CNN is reporting that the 82nd Airborne has received deployment orders and is doing an emergency recall and cancelling all leaves. I also have had at least three phone calls for a comment.”
I looked over at Nancy Pelosi. “Nancy, it looks like you’re smarter than I am. Good call.” I turned back to Will. “Tell everyone I will be speaking to the nation this evening, and start getting the cameras set up. I need to speak to Matt and Marc, but I will tell everyone tonight. Also, tell the Pentagon to be prepared to answer questions tomorrow.”
“Got it!”
Will ducked out again, and I turned back to the leadership. “Now, I don’t mean to be rude, but I need to get ready for this evening. When I learn more, I will let you know. Thank you.” With that I stood up, and I received a chorus of ‘Thank you, Mister President.’
At 7:30 that night I spoke to the nation from the Oval Office. The military mobilizations were the main topic of the national news that evening, along with reports of combat in Iraq. Nobody knew about the chemical weapons yet, or the American casualties. At 7:00, the networks all ran special reports on what was happening, and made their predictions of what I was going to say that evening. Their prediction? That I was going to talk about the mobilizations! Circular logic in full force.
At 7:30 I found myself looking into a camera with a red light on it, and with one eye glancing at the teleprompter. A producer began giving me a countdown, and then as we got down to five seconds, he shut up and began counting down with his fingers. At zero, he waved and pointed at me. Show time!
“My fellow Americans, thank you for allowing me to speak to you this evening. By now you have already heard that our nation’s armed forces are mobilizing, and that some have already been sent into danger. I wish tonight to explain what has happened, and why this response was necessary.
In 1991, following the Gulf War, President Bush instituted two no-fly zones over Iraq. The southern zone was designed to protect the Shiite marsh Arabs from attack by the Iraqi Sunnis, and the northern zone was designed to protect the Kurdish people from a similar attack. For fifteen years, despite relentless provocation, America has protected these minorities from the attacks of Saddam Hussein and his army.
In northern Iraq, the Kurdish people have formed an independent nation under this protection, the Republic of Kurdistan. The Kurds are an ancient people, with their own language and culture. During this time of protection, they have formed a democratic government, have instituted elections, and have conducted peaceful foreign relations and trade with neighboring nations. For several years now, American Special Forces soldiers have worked with the Kurdish armed forces, training them and in turn learning from them.
Until 1991, the Iraqis tried on several occasions to destroy the Kurds, and several of their attacks used chemical weapons. Following the Gulf War and the establishment of the no-fly zone, Iraqi aggression has been on hold. For the last month, however, Saddam Hussein has been moving armed forces towards the border of Kurdistan, and has been making a wide variety of threatening statements. When the intentions of Saddam Hussein became obvious, we immediately began to mobilize diplomatic power across the region to force the Iraqis to back down. We also began a quiet mobilization and preparation of our own.
It is my sad duty to say that our diplomatic efforts to restrain Iraqi aggression have failed. Late last night, Iraqi ground forces began an armored assault on the Kurdish border regions. The Kurdish military, the Peshmerga, are fighting valiantly, but they are outnumbered and outgunned. Worse, in addition to conventional weapons, Saddam Hussein has ordered the use of chemical weapons on unarmed civilians in the region. I am sorry to report that there have been American casualties, along with those of our Kurdish allies. Chemical weapons are one of the most hateful and terrible weapons available, and their usage cannot be allowed or tolerated.
Upon being informed of this unprovoked assault on a peaceful ally, I immediately summoned the National Security Council. We were unanimous in our belief that an immediate military response was necessary. As I mentioned before, while we hoped that diplomacy would cause tensions to ease, we also made preparations if they did not. This morning I gave orders to begin Operation Kurdish Dawn, a military defense of Kurdistan. This operation has been underway for several hours now. We began with a massive bombardment of Iraqi military and government targets from ship and submarine launched Tomahawk missiles, followed by air raids from American carriers in the Persian Gulf, as well as from land based fighters and bombers operating from bases in Kuwait and Turkey. Further bombardment will continue, and strategic bombers from here in America and other bases are also targeting Iraqi bases.
This will not be sufficient. Earlier today I ordered the 82nd Airborne to deploy to Kurdistan, along with elements of the U.S. Army Rangers, and the Special Forces. The 4th Fighter Wing has been surged forward to Turkey, and armored and air mobile elements are being brought in from Europe and here at home. Additionally, I have received assurances from several of our European and Middle Eastern allies that they will commit troops and support to the cause of Kurdish freedom and defense.
This aggression will be countered. Kurdistan will be defended, and an ally in this region will be strengthened. A previous President once said, ‘Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.’ Liberty is the birthright of all people, and in defending Kurdish liberty, we defend our own. The defense of liberty is never easy, and the price involves more than simply cost. Regardless, we are a nation and a people willing to pay such a price.