“Let’s get Andropov on line,” the president said.
Dunnavant spoke into the speakerphone on the table, directing the IT staff to begin the videoconference. General Andropov appeared, sitting at a conference room table flanked by several military officers.
“General Andropov,” the president said, “I want to advise you that the United States has restored its full nuclear deterrence. There was a flaw in how you implemented your sabotage, and all three legs of our nuclear triad are again operational. In a few minutes, we’ll launch another Trident missile, and I challenge you to alter its flight path.”
Andropov displayed no emotion as he listened to the president. When he finished, Andropov replied, “We shall see.” The screen went dark.
“Well,” the president said, “he’s certainly a man of few words.”
He turned to Dunnavant. “Send the launch message.”
The president waited in the Situation Room as the order was transmitted from the Operations Center in the Pentagon’s National Military Command Center. Admiral Rhodes said it would take about fifteen minutes from the time the message was transmitted for Maryland to establish launch conditions, spin up the missile, and send it navigation and target coordinates. They watched the display on the far wall, waiting for the missile to emerge from the water.
The minutes ticked by, then a missile rose from the ocean, its first-stage engine igniting once it cleared the surface. It accelerated upward, leaving behind a trail of white smoke, then disappeared into a thick blanket of gray clouds. The video screen switched to a satellite feed, detecting the missile after it penetrated the clouds and continued its climb through the Earth’s atmosphere. The missile’s programmed aim point, a few thousand miles into the Atlantic Ocean, blinked red, and a data feed from the instrumented missile scrolled across the bottom of the display.
The tension built as the missile shifted to its second-stage engine, continuing on its programmed trajectory. It then transitioned to its third-stage engine burn. When the engine shut down, the missile remained on track. From there, the warheads would land at a location determined primarily by the missile’s ballistic trajectory, modified slightly by pulses from the third-stage engine.
No one spoke as the missile continued its descent, with the data feed reporting when each warhead was released from the main bus. There was a collective sigh of relief in the Situation Room when each warhead landed precisely as programmed.
The president turned to Dunnavant. “Begin moving all Army and Air Force assets required for the NATO offensive.”
48
MOSCOW, RUSSIA
General Andropov, sitting at his desk across from Generals Volodin and Glukov, slammed the briefcase shut. He wondered if the hastily assembled controller was somehow inferior to the ten units under the control of the Strategic Rocket Forces at their headquarters in Kuntsevo. It had functioned perfectly the first time, however, sapping the power from the American B-2 bombers and altering the Trident missile flight exactly as directed. But a few minutes ago, he’d entered the same commands and the Trident missile had ignored them. The American president hadn’t been bluffing; they had somehow neutralized the Zolotov option.
The Zolotov option should have sidelined America for at least a year. By then, with no harm done to the citizens of the occupied countries — merely the installation of pro-Russian governments — NATO’s appetite for war would wane. As long as the people prospered, this time under the existing capitalist markets instead of communism, why shed blood to put their politicians in power instead of Russia’s? Politicians as a whole were vile anyway, and the thought of sacrificing the lives of honorable soldiers to put the right politicians in power riled his stomach. But now that the United States was unrestrained, and with the sting of Russia’s invasions still fresh, NATO would likely resort to military force.
Andropov examined Colonel Generals Volodin and Glukov, commanders-in-chief of the Aerospace and Ground Forces, respectively. Both men sat stoically in their chairs, their expressions guarded. He knew what they were thinking; was there a way out of their predicament, from both a military and personal perspective?
“Your assessment, Generals?”
Alexei Volodin was the first to respond. “The restraints have been removed from the United States, and their president will no doubt press for NATO intervention as he did last time. When evaluating the path forward, we must minimize the possibility that NATO will resort to military force. If we stop now, holding Eastern Ukraine and only a sliver of Lithuania, leaving the Baltic States independent, NATO would have minimal incentive to wage war.”
“A few months ago,” Andropov replied, “I would have agreed with you. Our previous invasion of Ukraine and Lithuania served as an excellent test of NATO resolve. There are many members within the Alliance with no intestinal fortitude. But with the right leadership, they will commit. With Germany joining the United States and Britain this time, I believe NATO will resort to military force, even if we take nothing more.” Andropov asked Glukov, head of the Ground Forces, “Your thoughts?”
“I believe NATO will intercede militarily,” Glukov answered. “We must either withdraw or take the measures necessary to prevail if a conflict ensues.”
“What would those measures be?” Andropov asked.
“I need more defendable positions and the continued commitment of the Airborne and Spetsnaz troops. Where do we stand on those forces?”
“General Grachev has pledged his full support, so the Airborne brigades will remain committed. You need not worry about the Spetsnaz, including the GRU brigades. They will follow my orders, although most of the GRU Spetsnaz have been assigned to guard our critical infrastructure sites, so the American president cannot blackmail us like he did last time.” Andropov paused, reflecting on Glukov’s first point. “You said you need more defendable positions. Explain.”
Glukov answered, “We need to advance to the Vistula and Siret Rivers and the Carpathian Mountains.”
“You’re talking about part of Poland and Romania, plus all of Ukraine.”
Glukov nodded. “If we are convinced NATO will attack, we must fight the battle on more favorable terrain. The Vistula and Siret Rivers, combined with the Carpathian Mountains, form a natural defense across the entire continent. It would leave only two small sections on each end of the Carpathians without easily defendable terrain. NATO offensives in either area would be perilous, as they’d be subject to pincer counteroffensives from each side. Additionally, advancing to the Vistula River will free the forces in Kaliningrad Oblast to assist. Their anti-air assets are formidable.”
General Andropov repressed a smile. This had been his plan all along; advancing to the Vistula River in Poland and taking the rest of Ukraine and northeast Romania, establishing defendable buffer states between Russia and NATO. Glukov was an astute general and had likely suspected Andropov’s endgame.
Andropov met Glukov’s eyes briefly, then asked, “If we advance into Poland and Romania, are you certain you can hold what we take?”
Glukov turned to General Volodin. “If we can prevent NATO from obtaining air superiority, my men will hold.”
Volodin answered, “As long as my task is to prevent NATO air superiority and not achieve it ourselves, I can accomplish the task. We have adequate anti-air assets to take the sky away from NATO.”
General Andropov considered Glukov’s plan for a moment, pretending he’d been surprised by the aggressive proposal. Finally, he replied, “Advancing to the Vistula and Siret Rivers and Carpathian Mountains is wise from both a military and political perspective. It offers the best chance of prevailing if the matter devolves into a military conflict, and also provides us with a significant bargaining chip with NATO. If it appears it is in our best interest to withdraw, we may still achieve our primary objective: we’ll offer to return the regions of Poland and Romania in our control in return for a sliver of Lithuania and NATO’s guarantee not to intercede in Ukraine. Each side gets something they want.”