Haste then became the order of the day, which meant that when Flavius led his men forward, his enemies having melted away northwards, it was to a field denuded of warriors but covered with much in the way of abandoned supplies, this while Ildiger led his men into the no longer besieged city.
The man who greeted him was less the Adonis than hitherto, having starved alongside the inhabitants and his soldiers. Not a horse was left of what had been a force of two thousand cavalry, every one having been eaten. With hollowed cheeks, much spare flesh and a less than full gait, John Vitalianus, having acknowledged Ildiger, went out to meet Flavius Belisarius, becoming somewhat restored in stature when he espied Narses, the pair quick to embrace.
Nor was it long before he found out about the differing opinions on tactics, which meant his meeting with Flavius alone did not proceed as the man in command thought it should. He felt Vitalianus would do well to grovel for his disobedience; John, never inclined that way, was bolstered by the proximity of Narses and was now, as far as he was concerned, the equal of the man before him.
‘Do you doubt it was a direct order?’
If Vitalianus was not physically fully restored, more than one good meal had lifted his spirits and that was evident in his defiant look. ‘A general, however clever, who is fifty leagues away, cannot see what is before the man on the spot.’
‘The man fifty leagues distant might have a plan that encompasses more than a search for individual glory. And do not forget that I had eyes in Ariminum in the presence of Ildiger, who had the good sense, when you plainly had none, to bring his men to a place where they could be of some use to a campaign. Had he stayed, you would have been starved out.’
‘Which I am told you were willing to countenance.’
‘Do not think yourself worth it. Remember the two thousand men you led and nearly lost to Goth slavery.’
‘They would have died for me.’
‘Then they would have died in vain,’ Flavius barked. ‘Now regardless of that which you owe to me, you are required to thank Ildiger, who entered Ariminum first, as well as publically apologise for overruling him when he brought you my orders.’
The reply was given with cold but suppressed fury. ‘I will not.’
‘Then you leave me no choice but to send you back to Constantinople.’
‘An order I refuse to obey.’
‘Is that because of habit?’
Vitalianus stood, his emaciated frame shaking with fury. ‘I will not put myself under obligation to Ildiger, and by association to you, and I will remind you that Ariminum was held and the Goths were forced to retire, even if it was not of your doing. If I owe my survival to anyone it is to Narses.’
‘And if he demands the same?’
‘He won’t, Flavius Belisarius, for he is not only a better man than you but he is twice the general you will ever be. He knows my worth, and added to that he has the Emperor’s ear and has done for many years now. So I doubt you will be sending me anywhere.’
Again it was Procopius who became the sounding board for what was a real dilemma. The secretary was not in the least surprised that Narses had declined to support Flavius in taking action against Vitalianus.
‘Narses cannot be seen to abandon John, for to do so would be taken badly by all of his client officers.’
Flavius could appreciate that; did he not himself have men who looked to him for advancement and in return gave him their loyalty? He might reassure himself that he never indulged a poor commander but that did not change matters. The system of clientism had existed since the Republic and nothing he could do would change it.
The response came with a sigh. ‘While if I insist, I will split the army.’
‘Pray Photius brings back that which you need.’
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
In a matter of weeks the command situation deteriorated; a far from chastened John Vitalianus engaged in an attempt to undermine Flavius Belisarius and Narses did nothing to squash this, which implied that he would not be averse to the miscreant’s aims. As usual, Procopius had his ear to the ground, and through reliable informants quickly established within the ranks of the new arrivals was able to report that Photius would face a counter embassy at the Imperial Court from those who supported a man who had now become a rival.
Flavius was worried Narses might underestimate the Goths, reminding him of the fortresses they held on the Tiber, an arc of eight strongholds with Ravenna to the north and Auximus to the south. Any neutral person studying a map would see the combined Byzantine forces as being surrounded with their backs to the Adriatic, rather than being in the ascendant.
Matters were rendered more complicated because Narses point-blank refused to discuss strategy in private, insisting that any decisions should be arrived at with the aid of the men who would be tasked to carry them out. Flavius suspected he found it easier to decline to cooperate in company than he would if they were alone. His main point was to insist that by remaining in Ariminum over the winter they were safe, with the sea at their back and a strong fleet in support.
He refused to accept that the security of Rome was vital, that to the people of the Italian peninsula the city had an almost mythical standing as the ancient capital of the Republic as well as the present centre of the Christian faith. Flavius suspected Narses knew as he did of that symbolic importance; it was just another example of his playing to the gallery of his own officers.
‘I would wish to march on Milan, Narses, not return to Rome. The siege there is being pressed hard and Mundus has already told us he will struggle to hold for much longer. Besides which, there is a Goth army in the field for us to fight and defeat.’
‘And a hundred leagues to march, which will take us away from the security I have just alluded to. That not only renders us exposed, it will risk us losing Ariminum and Ancon, the very cities we must hold. Let your Goths come to us.’
The argument carried on but to little avail and that presented Flavius with a real dilemma. Prior to any attack on Ravenna, which he heartily wished to undertake, he felt the need to ensure his rear was secure. Ever since landing in Italy he had gone to great lengths to guarantee that he could safely withdraw from any forward position without having to forfeit the campaign. There were those even amongst his own officers who saw this as overcautious; he did not, given the alternative might be complete destruction.
He tried to persuade Narses to combine with him on an assault on Auximus to open the route to the south as well as providing an alternative road to Rome. He refused and if the reasons were frustrating they were cogently argued by a man who was no stranger to warfare or generalship; his opinions, even if Flavius disagreed with them, were based on his appreciation of the military situation and could, objectively examined, be just as valid.
As ever a compromise was reached: Flavius would winter in the west, which would relieve the supply situation in an area much ravaged by warfare. But with a few weeks remaining of the campaigning season, Narses would join with him in seeking to take Urbinus. This Goth enclave was the closest to Ariminum and it dominated the Via Flaminia, the direct route to Rome. Milan would be left to fend for itself, which meant an inevitable capitulation.
Even in this, division was quick to show: John Vitalianus advised Narses to camp separately to Belisarius, who had set up his siege lines to the west of Urbinus. Staying to the east of the city it underlined their lack of confidence in a successful outcome, John being particularly of the opinion that the city, well supplied with food and water, would never fall before the onset of winter obliged the Byzantines to move on.