Minister Wanderlay considered Da Silva evenly. “Tell me, Captain — how much of an economist are you?”
Da Silva smiled faintly, prepared for the usual reprimand but unable to see any basis for it. “Why, not at all, sir.”
“I suspected as much,” the Minister said, and leaned toward the other man a bit, speaking in all seriousness. “Do you have any idea, Captain, what just a few kidnapings did to foreign investments in Argentina? Oh, I know there were some killings, all supposedly political, but just the kidnapings, even when the victims weren’t touched, sent foreign investments nose-diving. Can you imagine what damage was done to the Argentinian economy by just three or four kidnapings?”
“Well, I can imagine, sir—”
“I doubt you can,” Minister Wanderlay said dryly. “Do you know what terrorism did to foreign investments in Uruguay?” His shoulders came up. “Did I say foreign investment? It did almost as much damage to local investment. I doubt there’s a major businessman in those countries who doesn’t feel himself threatened, and he’s a local. Captain, do you know what the drop in tourism to Buenos Aires or Montevideo has been lately, because visitors are afraid of being kidnaped? Foolish? If you don’t believe me, ask the tourist boards of those countries!”
“I—”
“Or the number of people who always used to go to Santiago or Baraloche and now give it a wide berth because they aren’t sure they might not be arrested on some trumped-up charge? Stability is what people want, Captain. Stability! Believe me!”
“I believe you, sir. I—” Da Silva shrugged apologetically. “I guess it didn’t occur to me.”
“Well, Captain, it has occurred to a lot of other people. Foreign governments and foreign investors like stability where they invest, and I, for one, don’t blame them. And the appearance — or, rather, reappearance — of a group that holds itself above the law, and which, in addition, has the power of arms and a certain degree of authority to use those arms, is frightening to them. And to me. The death squads start off by claiming the law is too slow in dealing with criminals; then they move on to being above the law; and finally wind up determining who in their opinion is a criminal in the first place. Or who deserves death — also in their opinion — even if he isn’t a criminal. There’s no reason to believe any of the four men who were killed by the death squad in Paraíso were criminals, for instance.”
Da Silva frowned. “What?”
“That’s right,” Minister Wanderlay said, and tapped a folder on the seat beside him. “What little we have on the men — the four victims — is in this folder. You can take it with you. There’s nothing in what has been uncovered so far to indicate the police wanted any one of the four.” He shook his head. “It’s frightening.”
“I know, sir.”
Minister Wanderlay nodded. “I know you do, Captain. I know you were involved in breaking up the death squad in Rio. That’s exactly why I asked for you on the case. Remember, gentlemen, Brazil is a major country today, and a growing one. We are also a responsible country, and responsible countries do not tolerate vigilante groups. And the plain and economic fact is that unless the Death Squad is wiped out in Paraíso, it is going to damage our program for the industrial expansion for the city. That is a fact. Companies have already indicated an unwillingness to complete negotiations already in progress; they are looking elsewhere for factory sites; if the atmosphere of violence were to continue — violence by a death squad — it is more than possible even present companies would begin to pull their top management people out, just as they did in Argentina and Uruguay. And all the work we’ve put in these past many years would all be wasted.”
Da Silva had been thinking. He looked at the Minister.
“But, sir, with all the power the government has, can’t the police force up there be thoroughly and openly investigated? And cleaned out? From top to bottom, if necessary?”
The Minister shook his head. “No. To begin with, Captain, how do you prove a man is a member of a death squad? You should know better than most. If nobody talks, all he has to do is stop his killing and go on doing the job he is paid to do, and who would be the wiser? Actually, unless he’s caught red-handed in the act, which isn’t very likely to happen, how do you bring a case against him? And you don’t disband an entire police force with the resultant confusion and, I’m sure, the resultant increase in ordinary crime, because a mere three or four — or possibly even only two — members of the force are mentally sick people.”
He held up a hand abruptly as if Da Silva had been about to interrupt, which the captain had not been about to do at all. Captains did not interrupt Ministers of the Republic if they wanted to continue to be effective.
“Actually, Captain,” Minister Wanderlay went on, “to carry your idea to its logical conclusion — and I’m sorry to state this has been suggested by some quite responsible people, or otherwise responsible, perhaps I should say — we would send the army in, or its equivalent in security forces, and have ourselves a wholesale cleaning. Which could and possibly would result in quite a minor civil war.” His white eyebrows rose slightly. “Do you honestly believe, Captain, that that sort of action would reassure the companies and the governments we are discussing?”
“I wasn’t suggesting—”
“Well, I don’t,” the Minister continued, quite as if Da Silva had not spoken. “What has been decided, in place of that foolish idea, is to give the job to one man. You.” A brief humorless smile quirked the thin lips. “I’m told you have your own methods of solving problems. That you don’t always go by the book. Well, you’ll be dealing with people who also don’t follow rules. Use your own judgment. Do you have any questions?”
“Yes, sir. What’s been done so far?”
Wanderlay shrugged. “We’ve informed the commercial divisions of the various embassies of the countries involved that we are quite cognizant of their fears, that we are doing everything in our power to clear up the situation as expeditiously as possible.” The brief smile lit his face once again and then disappeared as quickly as it had appeared. “Whatever else we lack in government, our ability to use official language remains intact.”
Da Silva shook his head. “I didn’t mean that, sir. I mean, what’s been done in the town itself? Granted, the army wasn’t sent up there, or any major security forces, and I agree it was better that way, but surely someone spoke with the authorities up there? The police chief, at least; they were murders, no matter who committed them, and they fall into his domain. What reaction was gotten?”
There was a long pause. Minister Wanderlay seemed to be considering his answer carefully. At last he sighed.
“The big power in Paraíso is a judge, a federally appointed judge. His name is Magalhães, Genêro Magalhães. He’s a man of considerable influence up there, and the largest individual landowner in the state. He’s a strong supporter of the government, and up there he’s boss. He appoints the police chief, among other appointments. He’s also—” The Minister hesitated and then went on. “—he’s also an old friend of mine. I spoke with him personally. He swore to me that none of the men in the local police department were involved. He said he’d done a thorough investigation after the first killing, and said he really dug into it after the second and the third. He said he was convinced someone was merely using the police as scapegoats for their own purposes.”
“And do you believe him, sir?”
“If I believed him,” Minister Wanderlay said, and there was a bit of sadness in his voice, “I wouldn’t have asked you to take over the investigation.” He handed over the folder. “Good luck, Captain...”