“Good question” said Yatom like a school master. Feldhandler could answer the question better, but Yatom wanted to keep the scientist out of the discussion at the moment—both because he was poison and would undoubtedly complicate the issue.
“My understanding of the theory is that having diverged from our own timeline so dramatically, anything we do here will establish a new timeline, without effect on the timeline we lefi behind. Nature prohibits paradoxes, so the fact that we are here and functioning seems to indicate that’s the case.”
“That’s correct” said Feldhandler without being asked, although both he and Perchansky knew it wasn’t so simple.
“Dr. Perchansky, do you want to say anything?” asked Yatom.
Perchansky wanted to say a lot, but doubted it would do much good. Why torment these men with doubt when all their fates seemed sealed anyway. “No” she said.
“Beseder” continued Yatom. “Our intention is to attack a German death camp today—Lieutenant Shapira will brief you with the details in a few minutes—and to keep attacking the Nazis for as long as we can, or until we can return to our own timeline. We’ve seen with our own eyes today, what before we only read in history books, experienced in museums, or learned in sleepy history classes. Before today is done I fear we will see much worse. Still, I cannot in good conscience order you to join me. Any man that doesn’t want to participate can stay behind at the capsule, or with the refugees. If you want out, go now.”
He looked out at the young commandos, contentedly munching on their snacks. They looked around at each other, then back at him. Yatom nodded. He’d known before he started the speech that none of the men would leave, and none did.
Chapter 13
Two hours later Shapira and the rest of his team found themselves in a reeking boxcar several as the engine pulled them ever closer toward Sobibor. In the car along with the Israelis was an ad hoc assault platoon made up of Jews freed from the train and led by the big Dutchman, De Jong. The Dutchman, as Bolander and Ilan had discovered during target practice, was a former naval officer who had been transferred from a POW camp to a Jewish ghetto. Upbeat despite his grim surroundings, De Jong laughingly explained to the Israelis, in excellent English, that his name meant “William the Young.” In fact, De Jong wouldn’t see fifty again, but he was in reasonably sound physical condition, and an experienced officer, even if his career had been spent on ships, not in the infantry.
De Jong and most of the other Jews recognized, if they didn’t fully understand, the modern colloquial Hebrew of the Israelis. The Israelis had finally explained their presence to Jezek, De Jong and the other leaders of the rescued Jews, by claiming that they were Palestinian Jews in British service, sent on a rescue mission. It was close enough to the truth, and much less far-fetched than the actual story. De Jong and companions appeared to accept this. In any event, they cared less about their rescuers than the fact that they had been saved. De Jong and his men also knew, that in return for their salvation, much was now expected of them. The fact that their rescuers were fellow Jews only enhanced their sense of duty, and heightened their longing for revenge.
There were twenty-five men besides De Jong in the makeshift platoon, several of whom had experience in the Polish or Czech armies. They were armed with the five extra Uzis brought by Feldhandler, Mueller’s Walther which Shapira had given up, and ten German stick grenades, taken from the train guards.
Two teenagers, dressed up in German uniforms taken the Polizei, rode outside the car pretending to be guards, in the fashion the Israelis observed just before the ambush. They were armed with Mauser rifles. The rest of the men men carried no weapons at all.
Yatom had ordered that all the remaining weapons captured from the German policeman be given to the Jews who remained behind, under the leadership of the Czech Jezek. De Jong’s unarmed men were to pick up weapons as they went along—hopefully from fallen Germans; if not, then from fallen Jews.
Given the situation, Shapira had organized the men into five squads, each led by a seemingly experienced or reliable man armed with an Uzi. With each squad-leader were two men armed with a single grenade each, and three other unarmed men. Ilan and Bolander had done their best, in the short time available, to instruct the men in the use of the weapons, and described some rudimentary tactics.
Basically, the men with the Uzis were to attack, with the grenadiers and unarmed men in tow. How, or even if these men could function under fire was unknown. Shapira reminded all of them, repeatedly, of the fate they would have met in Sobibor had the death train not been stopped. They were in effect dead men given a second life to spend. Hopefully, though Shapira, they would spend it courageously.
The Israeli plan called for De Jong, armed with the pistol, to lead his men off the train. Shapira’s team would follow and support the ragged Jewish band with disciplined fire. At the front of the train, Yatom would lead the rest of the sarayet from the second-class railcar.
Both assault groups would sweep down the platform, eliminating SS men and Ukrainians along the way. Then they would turn, in echelon, into the camp itself. Once inside Shapira’s men would seize the so-called Forward Camp, which contained barracks, offices and the camp armory, while Yatom would take Camp 2, consisting of assembly yards and storage sheds filled with looted goods. Yatom’s men would also be responsible for taking out the camp’s four watchtowers, and a tall forester’s tower in the center of the installation. It was a relatively simple and sound plan, thought Shapira. Surprise and modern firepower would be on their side.
By throwing De Jong and his men at the Forward Camp Yatom hoped to reduce the risks to the sayeret. Feldhandler’s map showed that the Forward Camp contained Sobibor’s headquarters buildings and the home of the commandant, in addition to barracks for the SS and Ukrainians. Most of the enemy not immediately killed on the platform would probably rally in that area. By comparison, Yatom expected that Camp 2, with its administrative buildings and sorting sheds, and would be lightly defended. Another sub—carnp, designated Camp 1, was located directly behind the Forward Camp and contained the barracks of the Jewish prisoners—this Yatom intended to ignore.
The last area of importance was Camp 3, which held the gas chambers and burial pits. This area, the real business end of the death camp, was defended by a separate force of SS men and Ukrainians. Yatom hoped that these men would flee or surrender once they realized the fate of their comrades in the rest of the camp. If they stayed, Yatom would reduce Camp 3 with a deliberate assault. Surprise was the key. The train would proceed slowly past Sobibor camp to the station located a few hundred meters to the east.
There, Yatom and Mofaz would eliminate the German railroad crew whose job was to bring the train into the camp via a special siding. This time, the Polish engineers would back the train in. When the train halted, presumably with many if not most of the Germans and Ukrainians awaiting it along the platform, Yatom would initiate the action by fire from front of the train. At that point, Shapira would throw open the boxcar doors, hose down any Germans or Ukrainians within view, and send De Jong and his men on their way, with his team following and providing fire support. That at least was the intention.
Shapira reviewed the plan with his men and De Jong repeatedly on uncomfortable journey, there being little else to do. Finally, after chugging forward slowly but steadily for nearly an hour, the train came to a stop.
Roskovsky jumped down from the second-class carriage, where Yatom’s group rode in relative comfort, and trotted over to one of the telephone poles along the railroad right-of-way. The engineer quickly scaled the pole and clipped the wires. It was a safe bet that all telephone communication from Sobibor ran along this line.