“If this is a prelude to an attack by Russia, Minister Filippov,” Schramm fumed, “Germany and NATO will stand firmly against you.”
Russian Federation Foreign Minister Ivan Filippov suppressed a chuckle — he dared not make fun of NATO or Germany’s part in it, no matter how ridiculous or unrealistic it was. Schramm was in no position to threaten Russia with anything, let alone a unified NATO response.
“Mr. Foreign Minister, again, I assure you, Russia is committed to the peace and security of the entire Balkan region,” Filippov said, still not confirming or denying any involvement in whatever was going on. “Russia has been the target of many anti-NATO and anti-peacekeeper attacks in recent weeks. We know for certain that the Multinational Security Brigade — South, under German control, was their target again. We will act whenever we see the threat is genuine.”
“Really?” Minister Schramm remarked. “Why did you not share this information with us? A combined Russian-German strike force would have been very effective and would have undoubtedly waylaid the criticism you most certainly will have to endure once word of this attack spreads.”
Filippov’s head was still scrambling to catch up with the events swirling around him, but he noted a very different note in Schramm’s voice — he wasn’t talking about the incident anymore. His entire train of thought was moving in a completely different direction, and it had nothing to do with confrontation. “I do like the idea of Russia and Germany joining forces in the future,” Filippov said, “and I am glad you have the courage and insightfulness to see the benefit of such a union.”
There was a slight but noticeable pause on the line; then: “I have long thought that the entire Balkan conflict has been a great economic and political drain on all concerned,” Schramm said. “The atrocities committed by both sides in this conflict have been brutal and violent, and had to be stopped. But NATO and the nonaligned nations have spent hundreds of millions of dollars trying to devise a peaceful solution, and the violence seems worse than ever.
“I could not agree more, Minister.”
“But what is the endgame here?” Schramm asked, the frustration evident in his voice. “The factions in the Balkans have been fighting for centuries. There are acts of total barbarism on both sides, but it seems that only the Christian acts of violence against the poor Muslims are publicized in the world press. For some reason, the Muslims became the underdogs, and the Americans seemed to come to their rescue.”
“We have long spoke about the possibility of why the Americans supported the Muslims,” Filippov offered, “namely, to garner support and friendship from the oil-rich Arab countries, in hopes the Americans would be allowed to build land bases in Persian Gulf nations so they could move their expensive, vulnerable aircraft carriers out of the Gulf They were so afraid of Iran or Iraq sinking one of their carriers in the Gulf that they made a deal with the devils in the deserts of Arabia to support their Muslim brothers in the Balkans.”
“I do not know the reason for why the Americans chose one side over the other,” Schramm said. “But when America speaks, the rest of the world, especially Europe and NATO, must listen.”
“Nonsense,” Filippov interjected. “Germany is not compelled to follow any nation, even the United States. You have the fastest-growing and most powerful economy in Europe, and your growth far exceeds any other country in the world, even America.”
“In any case, Germany has been forced to support a foreign policy that is not always in our best interests,” Schramm went on cautiously. “We have been forced to stand back and watch as our own peacekeepers harbor Muslim terrorists that attack fellow Christians. Muslim bandits are now free to roam the Balkans, killing innocent Christians, selling drugs under NATO protection, and are still receiving and trading millions of marks in weapons from Iran and Saudi Arabia each year. It makes absolutely no sense at all to me.”
“To me as well, Minister,” Filippov said. “I agree with you completely. But we must be careful. Russia’s action against Kukes was an emotional strike against terrorists. I abhor violence, but I was glad to offer my support for the plan. We cannot let the situation spin out of our control, however. The Muslims will undoubtedly retaliate against KFOR peacekeepers. We must be careful that we do not set southern Europe ablaze simply because we wanted to avenge our soldiers’ deaths.”
“The danger is real, Mr. Filippov,” Schramm said. “Especially now, since the United States pulled out of KFOR.”
“I agree, Minister,” Filippov said. “The only clear way of reducing tension in the Balkans and salvaging our own national pride is to disengage from the brutal but pointless course we have set for ourselves. The bloodlust between the rival factions in the Balkans is not worth the life of one German or one Russian.”
“I have long advocated constructive disengagement in the Balkans,” Rolf Schramm said. “I never recommended anyone simply depart, like the Americans did — that only creates a power vacuum that aggressors on all sides will seek to exploit for themselves. The American president was exceedingly irresponsible in his decision just to pull out of Europe as he has done. But I have long pushed to find a way to develop a plan where our forces can leave the battlefield but still remain involved and active in steering the region to some sort of peaceful structure.”
“I know you have, Minister — as leader of the opposition, I remember you were an outspoken critic of the previous government always seeming to knuckle under to the twisted politics and logic of the United States,” Filippov said. That was not entirely true — there was no doubt Schramm was far to the right politically of his predecessors, and he had made a few speeches in favor of getting out of the Kosovo Force, but he was certainly no Willy Brandt or Helmut Kohl — his European vision was limited to whatever it took for him to rise to his current office. “What did Clinton or Martindale know of European geopolitics? All they cared about was their legacy and their domestic political power base. They used the crisis in the Balkans for their own gain. Now that the Americans are gone, it is up to Germany and Russia to take a leadership position in Europe.”
“Very well said, Mr. Filippov: disengage from the fighting but still maintain a presence in the region,” Schramm summarized. “The Americans tried and failed to force a peace not just in the Balkans, but in the Middle East, the Indian subcontinent, even Ireland. Now that the Americans have turned tail and run, we must take up the cause of peace and justice in our own land.”
“Very well put, Minister,” Filippov said. “Russia is only concerned about one thing: supporting our Slavic brothers against the growing wave of violence and anarchy by Muslim separatists who seek to establish fundamentalist Islamic regimes in majority Christian nations. We care nothing if Kosovo becomes an independent republic or a Muslim enclave. But if they seek to trample the rights of Christians to their historical landmarks and their ancestral lands, we have an obligation to help. And if radical Islamic countries like Albania try to export their brand of murder, terrorism, and intimidation on the smaller, weaker oblasts in the Balkans, it is in our interests to resist those attempts by any means necessary.”
“And Germany wants only peace, security, stabilization, and freedom of commerce and communications in the Balkans,” Schramm said. “We want our friends in Croatia and Bosnia to be safe from harassment and civil rights violations by the Muslims and Serb extremists. We wish no ill will toward the Serb people — we only want all to coexist in peace. We must forget the historical animosities that have ruined the peace in the Balkans for far too long.”