“I heartily agree,” Filippov said warmly. “Russia pledges its support to assist in these efforts. We want peace as much as Germany, and we have the political and cultural ability to influence Serbian actions that are not in keeping with peaceful resolution of conflicts. We can certainly help keep any radical Serb elements from disturbing free trade and communications in the region.”
“That would be a generous and most valuable contribution to peace,” Schramm said. “But, sir, I feel there must be a quid pro quo. What can you suggest?”
“Germany is nothing but a stabilizing, independent-minded, powerful force in Europe,” Filippov said as sincerely as he could, his mind fairly whistling with the effort to think of the right amount of sugar and bullshit to feed Schramm. Filippov’s aide was staring, dumbfounded, as his superior was virtually inventing a Russo-German alliance of some sort while standing wet in his bathrobe in his bedroom! “It is the largest and most powerful nation in Western Europe, and it deserves a leadership position far greater than the scraps left to you by the United States and NATO. But now with the United States turning its back on the Western alliance, it is clear to me that Germany must take its rightful place as the leader of the European Union. Let the North Atlantic Treaty Organization dissolve. It has served its purpose and has become an outdated, unwieldy, even dangerous anachronism.”
“So if Germany reins in the Western European nations, Russia will contain and control the Eastern European nations?” Schramm asked. “Germany and Russia work together to create a lasting peace in Europe?”
“Exactly. Well put, Minister,” Filippov said. “There is no reason we should work at cross purposes when we are being pulled together by common goals and common enemies.”
“Some will say this is too similar to the Axis alliance before the Great Patriotic War.”
“Our countries are radically different now — the world is different,” Filippov responded. “There are no Third Reich, fascist, or communist regimes in place in our countries. We are all stable, democratic, open societies ruled by law and by the people, not by megalomaniac dictators. And I do not propose an alliance for now, although one can certainly be contemplated in the near future. All I suggest is that we use our individual influences to work together to bring peace and stability to eastern and southern Europe.”
Schramm nodded in agreement. “I like the sound of this, Mr. Filippov,” he said. “We work together to bring peace to the Balkans, not apart. We throw off the old ties and forge newer, stronger ones together.”
“Exactly,” Filippov said. His aide had been furiously writing on a pad of paper, and he finally showed his superior his notes, trying to toss out any other ideas as long as he had the German foreign ministers ear. “And there are many other areas of cooperation we can explore, as well,” Filippov said, his mind racing again, trying to think of more avenues of cooperation that could keep this sudden foreign affairs windfall on firm ground.
“Such as?”
Filippov read the third or fourth line of his aide’s notes, then looked up in a wide-eyed expression.
The note said simply, Kazakov’s oil?
He paused, again writing and rewriting the script in his head a dozen times, before saying, “Such as Europe’s reliance on so much Middle Eastern oil. Russia is a major world oil exporter, yet Europe buys less than ten percent of its oil from us. Germany gets less than twenty percent of its oil from Russia, and we are your neighbors! Correcting that situation would offer enormous advantages to both our economies.”
“I think this is a matter to be discussed in a meeting of our commerce and energy ministers, Mr. Filippov—”
“It is a foreign relations matter as well, Minister Schramm,” Filippov interjected. “We know why Europe imports little oil from Russia — recent history will certainly not convince some persons in our respective countries to become too closely linked. That is understandable. But look at current events, Minister. Europe cast its lot with the United States for its longterm military and economic security, and it now appears that gamble has lost. The United States no longer needs Germany.
“Russia knows better, sir. Russia has natural resources, raw materials, more than any nation on Earth — including petroleum, massive reserves that cannot even be fully explored for two generations, let alone tapped. The known Caspian Sea oil reserves are five times greater than those in the Persian Gulf, and only a fourth of the oil fields have even been fully explored.”
“Yet Russia exploits these reserves only for itself,” Schramm pointed out. “It is fine for you to speak of tapping these fields — but then all pipelines lead only to Russia, to Samara or Novorossiysk.”
“Exactly so, Minister,” Filippov said. “But we have a plan to invest over a billion dollars in the next year to build a pipeline linking the Black Sea with the Adriatic Sea. We have some influence in Bulgaria; Germany has considerable influence with Albania. If the United States leaves NATO and leaves Europe, as our information suggests, they will abandon any plans to build a base in Vlore, and Greece and Turkey will lose their great benefactor and will have to fend for themselves. Turkey will certainly leave Albania and Macedonia to their own fates.”
“You are proposing a Russian oil company build a pipeline from the Black Sea to the Adriatic?” Schramm asked incredulously. “A private company, I assume? Gazprom. only builds pipelines in Russia. LUKoil wanted to build a pipeline through Ukraine and Poland to the Baltic Sea, but its investors scattered after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and the company is teetering on the edge of bankruptcy. That leaves…” There was a pause, and Filippov heard a muted gasp. “You’re not suggesting Metyorgaz? Pavel the Playboy?”
“I’d prefer not to reveal too many details about the proposal for now, Minister,” Filippov interjected. He was surprised as hell when Schramm mentioned Metyorgaz, Kazakov’s oil company cum drug distribution front company. But then again, Germany was very closely linked with Albania, and it certainly had a major presence in the Balkans. They would certainly be aware of any large-scale development projects proposed for the region. And Kazakov was an international crime and business figure — they certainly would be on the alert for anything he might be involved in. “I will say that Russia is committed to developing the Caspian Sea petroleum resources and serving all of Europe with inexpensive oil. That is of great benefit to all of us. Russia is securing commitments from many different sources to do just this, and we look to the leaders in the European Union to help us.”
“You sound like a sales brochure now, Herr Filippov,” Schramm said, with a nervous chuckle. “Germany is indeed looking for safe, secure, reliable sources of energy. Our dependence on Middle East oil is not desirable, yet it is a relatively cheap and reliable source—”
“As long as the United States secures peace in the Middle East,” Filippov interjected. “What if the United States withdraws from the Middle East as we see they have done in Europe? The price of oil will skyrocket, and supply will be in greater jeopardy. Germany needs to secure its own source of oil, right here in Europe, not the Middle East. The Caspian Sea oil reserves are the answer. The problem is, what will Turkey do with oil transiting the Bosporus Straits if instability sets in? Where will you go to get oil from Asia? To Syria? Israel — if it even exists in five years? Will you need to invade Turkey in order to get oil shipments through the Bosporus?”