The matter was ultimately settled not by negotiation in Paris, but by the Russo-Polish War which broke out in April 1920, following Polish incursions into the Ukraine. While the war initially ran in the Russians’ favour, the Poles took the upper hand following their victory at the Battle of Vistula in August 1920.
With talk of an armistice between the Poles and Russians in the air, first-hand intelligence was required about the possible outcome of a settlement and the implications this might have for Gen. Wrangel, Denikin’s successor as commander-in-chief of the White Volunteer Army in the south.
On 21 October 1920 Reilly left for Poland41 where he and ST25 (Sir Paul Dukes) linked up. On 29 October Reilly was able to send a cable through the British First Secretary in Warsaw, Sir Percy Loraine:
Armistice concluded on the 25th at Bolsheviks’ request between Ukrainians and Bolsheviks must be regarded for the present only as cessation of military operations till latest 7 November. It involves neither military restrictions nor political clauses. Was in first instance called forth by independent action of several Bolshevik divisions anxious for rest.42
By sending the cable through Sir Percy, Reilly had clearly ruffled feathers at the Foreign Office. As a result of a Foreign Office letter to SIS on 3 November,43 a rather terse but polite cable was sent to Reilly by Section G2 on 8 November, pointing out that while ‘no real harm has been done in the matter’ he should not in future use this open means of communication.44 Reilly’s papers also show that this was not the only example of his misusing embassy facilities, for included in his correspondence are a number of letters written on embassy notepaper.
Although these minor transgressions hardly endeared him to senior SIS officers, it was his growing association with Boris Savinkov, whom he regarded as Russia’s Napoleonic saviour, which would ultimately put the most strain on his relationship with the Service.
A perfect case in point was Reilly’s visit to Savinkov’s headquarters in Warsaw. From here Col. Sergei Pavlovsky was leading regular guerrilla raids into Soviet territory, attacking Red Army camps and derailing troop trains. Not content with gathering intelligence, Reilly (not for the first or last time) exceeded his remit by becoming actively involved:
At the end of 1920, having become a rather close intimate of Savinkov’s, I went to Warsaw, where Savinkov was then organising a foray into Byelorussia. I personally took part in the operation and was inside Soviet Russia. Ordered to return, I went back to London.45
Whether Reilly actually bore arms or was merely observing the attack is unknown. Whatever role he ultimately played, he certainly had no authority to cross the Soviet border or become involved, hence C’s order for him to return.
A peace treaty was signed between Russia and Poland on 18 March 1921, which resulted in the Poles eventually succumbing to Russian pressure to withdraw the facility for Savinkov to use Warsaw as a base for his operations. In the autumn of that year he was forced to leave and go to Prague, where he found a less than enthusiastic welcome from the Czech government. Funding was another major problem as his main benefactor was Reilly, whose finances were now somewhat stretched.
Despite filing a law suit against the Baldwin Locomotive Company for an unpaid munitions commission of $542,825, Reilly no doubt realised that the claim could take a considerable time to get to court (as indeed it did). Confronted with the additional pressure of having to prop up Savinkov, he now faced the very real prospect of financial ruin. As unpalatable as it was, there seemed only one way out of the rut – selling the treasured Napoleonic collection that had taken some twenty-five years to build up. He therefore made the momentous decision to put the collection up for sale in New York, where he sensed he would get the best return. Not unsurprisingly, the sale attracted great attention. It was not everyday that such a major collection was put on the open market. The New York Times reported that the:
…notable collection of Sidney G. Reilly of New York and London, consisting of literary, artistic and historical properties illustrative of the life of Napoleon Bonaparte, will be sold at the American Art Gallery on 4 and 5 May. It is one of the finest gatherings of material on this interesting subject that has ever been brought together by a private collector and sold in America. It contains some of the most important items illustrative of the life and times of the great Emperor from his first appearance as a factor in the military life of France, through the eventful days following, down to the final stages of his career and death on St Helena.46
The proceeds of the sale, a little under $100,000, do not appear to have lasted long. In June 1921 Savinkov convened the first meeting of the Anti-Bolshevik Congress, which met in Warsaw between 13 and 16 June. The initiative was one more attempt to try and weld together the disparate groups opposed to Lenin’s regime. Apart from overcoming the mutual suspicion of the various groups, it was obvious that lack of funds was the main obstacle to putting their plans into action. After the congress had ended, Reilly received a letter from Savinkov’s aide Dmitry Filosofoff:
I will tell you frankly that I felt ashamed to associate with people who had come to attend and would return to Russia full of hope and would risk their lives in their work – whereas we were unable to give them help to continue the struggle.
I repeat for the um-teenth [sic] time that it all depends on money. The press is ready, the peasants await liberation, but without a fully planned organisation, it is hopeless. Our chief trouble is that it may not be possible to prevent abortive or premature riots. This applies especially to Petrograd from whence we received detailed intelligence (after your departure). From this we see that riots can be expected at any moment and, if they cannot be supported, it is possible that they will be suppressed. Even Boris Savinkov will not be able to go there owing to insufficient financial aid. In other words – money, money, money!47
With renewed energy Reilly responded to Filosofoff’s call for funds, pulling out all the stops he could think of. A letter to the Air Board, written on Reilly’s behalf by one H.F. Pougher, is indicative of the lengths Reilly went to:
Dear Sir
Pardon the liberty but Lt Sidney G. Reilly late RAF gave me your name with a view to having his promotion gazetted which entitles him to arrears from 2nd to that of lieutenant, and arrears of gratuity. He mentioned in letter you understood his case copy of same I enclose. I should esteem it a great favour if you would hasten same.
When the letter was referred to SIS for their comments, Reilly was clearly embarrassed at being seen to be chasing money, and with mock disdain claimed that ‘Pougher is a small clerk at Holt’s [Bank] whom I have assisted financially from time to time. I promised him any arrears of pay or gratuity he can recover’.49
He also continued lobbying through all channels in Savinkov’s favour and began to put plans in place to bring Savinkov over to England to drum up support for his cause. In submitting a report on Savinkov to SIS, he asked that it be gone over and polished up:
…and when ship-shape have it roneo’ed and put in circulation in the ordinary way. As Savinkov is coming over with me to London, I am very anxious that the people who count and whom he will probably see, should get it well in advance (say – Winston Ch; Leeper. The PM’s secretary Sir Edw. Grigg and anybody you think useful).50