Denied the use of Attica, Athens drew more heavily on Euboea for food, and that circumstance is relevant to Euboea’s revolt in 411. By then, however, there had also been revolts in the eastern Aegean and in Anatolia (413–412). As regards Anatolia, another factor is relevant: the king of Persia, angered by the Amorges affair, had decided to back Sparta. Representatives of his satraps Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, as well as ambassadors from Chios and Erythrae, invited the Spartans to carry the war across to the eastern Aegean. This Sparta did, and in some long drawn-out diplomacy it agreed to abandon all claim to Anatolia as part of a deal for money and a fleet; the money given was hardly lavish, and the fleet did not materialize at all (perhaps, as Thucydides hints, because Tissaphernes wanted to wear down both sides, but perhaps because it was needed for use against Egypt. There is papyrus evidence for a revolt from Persian authority at this time, 411). For Sparta’s part, it is possible that its abandonment of Anatolia was not quite final; a treaty of 408 may have stipulated autonomy for the Ionian Greeks. Despite the reservations on both sides, the possibility of a joint victory of Sparta and Persia over Athens had at least been conjured briefly into existence. For the moment, however, the war went on.
Athens’s military resilience after its defeats in Sicily was remarkable, but the political credibility of the radical democracy had been battered: the rich had lost money, the thētes had lost men, all classes had lost their illusions. This was a situation ready to be exploited by intellectual activists, who disliked the democracy anyway. Thucydides gives a brilliant picture of the oligarchic revolution of 411 (the “Regime of the Four Hundred” oligarchs), but he can perhaps be criticized for not bringing out the importance of the intellectual factor, stressing instead the general atmosphere of suspicion and terror.
A complete analysis of the revolution ought, however, to allow for the influence, on oligarchic leaders like Antiphon and the less-extreme Theramenes, and no doubt on others, of the subversive teaching of the Sophists (rhetorically adept “experts” who professed to impart their knowledge of such politically useful skills as rhetoric, usually in exchange for money). Theramenes is said to have been a pupil of the Sophist Prodicus of Ceos. Thucydides mentions Sophists only once, and then not in the context of 411 at all. The first impetus to the revolution was given by Alcibiades, who certainly was a product of the Sophistic age. His motives, however, were selfish and short-term (he was aiming to achieve his own recall from exile), and he abandoned the oligarchs when he failed to get what he wanted. Nor had Peisander and Phrynichos, two other leading oligarchs, always been hostile to democracy.
It is certain, however, that there were some who held, as a matter of sincere theoretical conviction, that there were merits in a “hoplite franchise”—that is, an undemocratic constitution in which the thētes would be barred from attending the Assembly or serving as jurors). Such a view, insofar as it was elitist, would naturally be attractive to the cavalry class, and it is an appealing suggestion that the original coup d’état was staged at the deme site of Colonus precisely because of its associations with the cult of Poseidon Hippios—that is, “Horsey” Poseidon. But distinctions between extreme and moderate factions among the oligarchy must be made: Theramenes and Cleitophon were among the moderates who sought to justify the new arrangements by reference to Solon and Cleisthenes, who were wrongly represented, at this time, as having excluded the thētes from the Assembly. (Perhaps they used the slogan “ancestral constitution,” but a contemporary Sophist, Thrasymachus, implies that it was on everybody’s lips.) However erroneous such an appeal to Solon was with regard to the facts—it is a good example of “invented tradition”—it is undoubtedly true that members of that group behaved more moderately than some of the other oligarchs (Theramenes helped to overthrow the Four Hundred).
The Law Against Unconstitutional Proposals, a democratic safeguard, was abolished, as was pay for most kinds of political office, and the old Council of Five Hundred was to be replaced by an elected Council of Four Hundred. Those changes and plans did not go unopposed. Despite its losses in Sicily, there was still a fleet, at Samos, which was not at all pleased with what was happening. And the hoplites themselves, whatever theoreticians may have wished for on their behalf, were as enthusiastic for democracy as the thētes. The fleet sent a message to demand that the democracy be restored, and the extreme oligarchs were overthrown in favour of a more-moderate oligarchy, the regime of The Five Thousand. The new regime probably denied to the thētes the right of voting in the Assembly and law courts, though this is controversial. In any case, it lasted a mere 10 months.
Full democracy was restored in 410, and a commission was set up to codify the law: it was evidently felt that constitutional history had been abused in 411 and that the abuse had been made possible through ignorance. Codification was to prevent a recurrence; it was expected to take four months but was still incomplete after six years. A fresh start was to be made in 403.
In 410 Athens had recovered sufficiently to win a battle against the Peloponnesian fleet at Cyzicus (a factor in the downfall of The Five Thousand), and the Spartans may have asked for peace; the offer, however, is not mentioned by Xenophon, who now replaces Thucydides as the main source. That was a remarkable reversal of the position in 413 when a Spartan victory must have seemed in sight. Athens, however, refused to come to terms.
Athenian success continued with further victories in the Hellespontine region, and Alcibiades, who had played a role in these victories, was able to return from exile in 407. He magnificently led the religious procession from Athens to Eleusis, thus atoning for, or giving the lie to, his alleged impiety in 415 when he was held to have joined in profaning the Sacred Mysteries. His subordinate Antiochus, however, lost the Battle of Notium in 406, which effectively ended Alcibiades’ career. Athens managed yet another victory at Arginusae in 406. But the Athenian commanders, who failed to rescue survivors, were executed in an illegal mass trial. This was folly, and so was Athens’s refusal of yet another Spartan peace offer after the battle. In this, as after the Battle of Cyzicus, it followed the advice of the demagogue Cleophon.
That a combination of Persia and Sparta could win the war easily can never have been in much doubt, even after the particular failures of trust and understanding in 411. The extra factor needed to bring it about was a combination of personalities. This happened quite suddenly after 408, with the emergence to prominence of a new Spartan, Lysander, and a new and extremely young Persian, the king’s son Cyrus, sent to fight on Sparta’s side. The two men got on instantly (it surely helped their relationship that Persia had made concessions, if make them it did, about the autonomy of the Greek cities). The result was the victory at the Battle of Notium and then, after the Athenian refusal of the peace offer after Arginusae, a final crushing defeat of Athens at Aegospotami (405). The Athenians were starved into surrender by Lysander (404). The Long Walls were demolished, the fleet was reduced to a token 12 ships, and the empire ceased to exist. Athens was to be governed by a Spartan-imposed oligarchy, the Thirty Tyrants. Greek civilization in the 5th century Intellectual achievements The effect of the Persian Wars on philosophy