"You're rolling this on national TV?" Sanders asked. "That raises the stakes, Mr. President."
"So did Bowden," Kerry answered softly. "With a little help from you guys, I think I can find the words."
The sense of consequence, and the pressure it placed on Kerry, seemed as sobering to the others as it felt to Kerry himself. "I can reemerge in public only once," he told them. "When I do, I'd better light up the switchboards. Or this is going nowhere."
The room was silent. "Lara will be with me," Kerry continued. "My speech to Congress should be the beginning of a national campaign— meetings with victims and cops, going to any state or district where the senator or congressman is susceptible to pressure. And if that doesn't work, we'll hold hostage whatever pet project they most want."
"Hardball," Cole cautioned the President, "could cost us down the road."
Kerry stood, restless. "We've got no choice, Alex. In the Senate we'll have to crack a filibuster—all Fasano and the SSA will need is forty senators to keep this law from coming to a vote. To pass it I have to impress—or buy—at least sixty-one senators. Failing that, we'll be forced to make our appeal somewhat more Darwinian."
Without pause, Kerry turned back to Sanders. "Just draft a law that works," he directed. "No guns for people like Bowden. No guns that accept forty-round magazines. No Eagle's Claw bullets for anyone. I'll take it from there."
* * *
After the meeting, Kerry and Clayton sat alone.
"You'll need absolute self-control," Clayton told him. "Calculated fury—no public displays of anger, no mistakes of the heart. Just keep up the pressure until the SSA goes radioactive.
"This can't be about you, Kerry. Or even about Lara. You've already got all the sympathy you need, without asking."
Kerry stared at him. "Why do you suppose I had you sit on Al Anwar's death until after we buried Lara's family? For those four days we didn't need to ask."
For a moment, Clayton was silent. "What about Bob Lenihan?" he asked. "Do you want to see him?"
"Invite him back for my speech to Congress. It's occurred to me he could be useful."
Clayton studied him. "And Callister's letter?"
Turning, Kerry gazed out the window. "It can wait," he answered softly. "I'm saving Callister for last."
* * *
That evening, Kerry and Lara dined alone, by candlelight. Their conversation, as so often now, was desultory and muted.
"Has Mary talked about a lawsuit?" Kerry asked. "Or met with any lawyers?"
"Not that I know of." Across the table, Lara gave him a querying look. "She still blames me, Kerry, and she's still just trying to cope. What made you think of that?"
"A couple of things. Maybe you should ask her."
ELE VEN
At one side of the narrow hallway to the Democratic cloakroom, Minority Leader Chuck Hampton was seated in a phone booth reserved, with his nameplate, for his exclusive use. Enclosed in glass for privacy, Hampton spoke quietly to President Kilcannon.
"An address to a joint session of Congress," he repeated.
"Tomorrow night. Unless you think it's a terrible idea."
And if I do? Hampton wondered to himself. "I suppose," he answered dryly, "that depends on what you're asking for."
"Merely a law that works," the President answered. "Universal background checks. More money to enforce them. No licensing or regulation, you'll be relieved to know. If it helps, you can tell your apprehensive friends you talked me out of it."
Hampton smiled. "How about beat some sense into you?"
The President laughed softly. "That, too. Assuming that they'll believe it." His voice became somber. "As for what I'm asking for, tell them that I mean to win, and expect their help in doing that. This isn't just an exercise."
By now, Hampton knew his man; roughly translated, "tell them . . . I expect their help" included, "and if I have to, I'll institute a reign of terror to get it." Despite his fear of the consequences, Hampton felt an odd exhilaration—as a matter of pure politics, the exercise of power and guile, Kilcannon's battle with Frank Fasano might well become a classic.
"I expect your people polled this, Mr. President. But my favorite technique's a little less scientific. Every weekend when I'm back home, I get in my pickup truck, drive to a country store, buy coffee and a paper, and talk to whoever's there. Then I get back in the truck, throw the paper in the back, and drive to the next store to buy coffee and a paper . . ."
Kilcannon laughed. "Do you ever actually read the paper?"
"No time. Too busy buying them to read them. Last Sunday I bought six or seven."
"And?"
"You're onto something. People find it disturbing that this guy
could buy a gun. Oddly, the most pissed-off guy I talked to is a federally licensed gun dealer. He's sick of competing with folks who claim they're not in the business so they won't have to run background checks, then go around peddling their wares at gun shows or out of the trunk of their car to any deviant with money enough to buy them . . ."
"I'll take all the support I can get, Chuck, wherever I can find it. I won't quibble about motive."
Through the glass, Hampton saw Senator Vic Coletti pass by, flashing him a quick glance of curiosity. "Anyhow," he told the President, "I was a little bit encouraged. For once the SSA may have more trouble than it knows."
"If so," Kilcannon answered, "they'll start putting the screws to your list of suspect Democrats. Let me know whoever you think may need a call from me."
With grim humor, Hampton imagined the President's tender ministrations to the frightened souls whose votes would be in play. "What about the Republicans?" he asked.
"I only know what you do, Chuck. Five or six of them will wonder which way they should jump. We're going to need them all."
This corresponded with Hampton's calculations. "I guess you saw Paul Harshman's little show."
"Of course." The President's tone held the quiet calm Hampton knew to be deceptive. "Wouldn't have missed it for the world."
"That wasn't just the SSA, I'm sure. I'd guess it was Fasano. He's looking to give his people cover."
"Then he really should do better, shouldn't he."
"Oh, he will. If I were you, I'd hang up on me right now, and get Chad Palmer on the line."
Once more, Vic Coletti passed, quickly peering into Hampton's booth. "Palmer," the President answered, "is already on his way."
* * *
At seven o'clock, Chad Palmer entered the President's private office.
A student of history, Palmer briefly noted the early photograph of Lincoln, the cartoon caricatures of FDR and a laughing Teddy Roosevelt, the magnificent walnut table on which John F. Kennedy had signed the ratification of the nuclear test ban treaty and, more recently, the antagonists had signed the Israeli-Palestinian accord of 1993. Hand resting on the desk, Palmer mused aloud, "That seems like another time."