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palaces and azure mosques at its center and, radiating outward,

Murat’s patience, Cemal’s sad kindness, and the gentle wisecracks of

the student chemists.

We’re all silent, as if these Italian curses have cast a spell on us.

Renato breaks the silence to ask whether anyone has heard of

“Turk’s head” contests, but no one has.

A week later, back in Princeton, I found an article from the May

9, 1854, New-York Daily Times. A gossipy dispatch from Paris by one

“Dick Tinto,” it described a peculiar diversion:

In all the public dancing gardens at Paris, is a contrivance

to test strength of arm. It consists of a wooden head of a

man, covered with thick cloth and mounted upon a spring;

upon being struck by the fist, it descends to a point

proportionate to the force employed, and a finger moving

along a graduated scale, marks the degree attained. This

head has represented of late years, and perhaps from time

immemorial, the head of a Turk, and the number of blows

the Mussulmans have received in his person is quite

incredible.

* * *

President Obama, fresh from the G20 summit, has followed me to

Turkey. He’s overshot the mark by three hundred kilometers,

standing erect before the Turkish Parliament in Ankara. On the ferry

back to Istanbul, on a big-screen TV, Obama mouths words while a

female voice utters them in Turkish and Cemal loosely renders them

in Esperanto. “He’s talking,” Cemal begins, “about lots of Turkish

issues—normalizing relations between Turkey and Armenia,

reopening the Eastern Orthodox Halki Seminary, the Kurdistan

Workers’ Party, lifting the ban on Kurdish broadcasting.…”

No, not just about Turkey; Obama’s talking about everything,

everything we haven’t been discussing the past three days: Iran’s

nuclear potential, America’s role in Iraq, Al Qaeda, the reunification

of Cyprus, a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine. This is my

president, I think, as people all over the boat glance up from their

tiny glasses of tea to watch and listen. “The work is never over,”

Obama concludes, and the Esperantists exchange a knowing glance:

We could have told you that. Tadeusz observes wryly, “He was getting

more applause at the beginning.” When we disembark, saying ĝis la

revido (till next time), Cemal warns me that by ten the next

morning, when Obama is to land in Istanbul, all roads to the airport

will be closed.

At 6:30 a.m., standing with my bags at the elevator of the Seven

Hills Hotel, I step aside for the snipers in blotted camouflage who

file up a spiral staircase to the rooftop garden. They’re dragging

rifles, ammo, and iron stanchions to give Obama cover for his visit

to the Blue Mosque. All day they’ll aim between the minarets, where

just last night, gulls looped through rays of floodlight, patches of

moonlight, and the darkness in between.

BIAŁYSTOK

4. Bridge of Words

Four months later, after sprinting through the Warsaw airport with

my luggage, I barely make the bus to Białystok. I’m taking the

Podlasie-Express to Zamenhof’s native city, which is celebrating the

150th anniversary of his birth by throwing him a congress. Poland

has often been the site of jubilees—the Warsaw Congress of 1987

drew nearly six thousand—but the Cold War is over, and during the

grim post-1989 years, membership rolls declined all over Eastern

Europe. Here in Białystok, fewer than two thousand have registered.

Still, the assembly is large enough to fill a huge makeshift hall

erected on the grounds of the Białystok Polytechnic, and avid

enough to populate the endless round of ceremonies, meetings,

gatherings, concerts, and lectures for six days. The congress has a

cumbersome title—“‘To Build a Bridge of Peace Among Peoples’:

Zamenhof Today.”

Even in Zamenhof’s era, Białystok was a city of yesterdays,

scarred by the paths of emperors and kings, tribes and armies.

Today Białystok, minus its Jews, Russians, and Germans, watches

the children of Zamenhof fill its hotels and several dormitories of the

Polytechnic. The green conference logo with Zamenhof’s profile is

emblazoned on buses and bus shelters. Shopkeepers have been given

Esperanto glossaries; restaurants offer menus in Esperanto. An

Esperanto-language city map tracks a walking tour of Zamenhof

sites: his birthplace, the gymnasium where he studied, the monument

to the Great Synagogue (a grim reconstruction of its mangled

cupola), and the Zamenhof Center, which has a small exhibition

about Białystok in Zamenhof’s day. The Rynek—the large square at

the city center, once the marketplace—has been entirely given over

to an international arts festival. The city’s arts venues all seem to

have thrown open their doors; an Israeli friend, thumbing through

the program, counted thirty performances, about twice as many as

usual. In this city of three hundred thousand, unaccustomed to large

groups of tourists, I can’t walk a block without seeing two or three

Esperantists sporting conference badges, in animated conversation.

At the fair traditionally held the night before the official opening,

representatives from dozens of Esperantist organizations set up card

tables and distribute pamphlets. Some of the groups have had a

presence for nearly a century. The UEA website recognizes, rather

quaintly, associations of “doctors, writers, railway workers,

scientists, musicians,” “Scouts and Guides, the blind, chess, and Go

players,” “Buddhists, Shintoists, Catholics, Quakers, Protestants,

Mormons and Bahá’ís.” There is no Jewish group per se, nor has

there been for many decades; in 1914 Zamenhof worried that a

proposed Hebrea Esperanto-Asocio would represent Jews as a nation,

which he was convinced they were not.

Among the “activist groups” are LSG, the Ligo de Samseksamoj

Geesperantistoj (League of Gay Esperantists); VERDVERD, the green

Esperantists; TEVA, the Worldwide Esperantist Vegetarians

Association; and the pacifist Homaranisma Komunlingva Movado

Kontraǔ Novliberalismo, or HKMKN (pronounced “HoKoMoKoNo”):

the Humanitarian, Common-Language Movement Against the New

Liberalism, who’ve spent much of the past decade protesting the war

in Iraq. The railway workers are not in evidence, but most of the

other groups are represented, along with the famous Rondo Kato

(cat lovers’ circle). Also on hand are a clutch of Esperanto

publishers; the fine-arts journal Beletra Almanako; TEJO, the youth

wing of the UEA; and SAT (Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda, or World

Anational Association), headquartered in France, an umbrella group

for socialists, anarchists, and “anationalists” who since 1921 have

used Esperanto as tool for promoting any number of left-wing

agendas. Behind another table, a friendly young Cuban dispenses

leaflets with the logo of a lighthouse advertising next year’s

Universal Congress, to be held in Havana. It’s hard to imagine

getting myself to Havana, though I pocket the leaflet.