“And what if Gregório committed the murder mentioned by the cop?”
“I understand your scruples, Major, but that can wait till later.”
“Later may be too late.”
“What’s the problem? In any case, Gregório’s going to spend the rest of his life in prison.”
“I think it best for us to speak to Colonel Adyl.”
The two men stopped in front of the door to Colonel Adyl’s office.
“Wait out here,” Fraga said, entering the room.
Fraga didn’t take long.
“Ranildo, go tell the inspector that for now Gregório can’t be interrogated. Colonel Adyl is going to start the military operation to catch Climerio and instructed me to personally speak to the superintendent of police about that inspector.”
“Does Colonel Adyl trust Paulo Torres?” the captain asked.
“Torres isn’t some crooked cop. He’s an army colonel, a hero of the Italian campaign.”
Ranildo returned to speak with Mattos.
“The colonel said that at the moment, Gregório Fortunato cannot be interrogated by the police. He’s incommunicado.”
“Can I ask a favor of you, Captain?”
“You can ask. I don’t know if I can do it.”
“It’s a simple thing: could you tell me if Lieutenant Gregório is wearing a gold ring on his left hand?”
Ranildo, surprised, looked at the inspector. “A gold ring?”
“Yes. It’s very important to the investigation I’m undertaking.”
Ranildo went to the window and looked pensively at the troops outside at the ready.
“I’m going to do what you ask, but then I’ll ask you to leave. I have many problems that need to be resolved.”
Ranildo left the room. An armed corporal, in battle gear, entered and stood stiffly by the door.
Ranildo returned.
“Yes, he’s wearing a ring.”
“Gold?”
Ranildo held out his hand. “This one.”
“May I see it?”
Ranildo handed the ring to the inspector. A gold ring, similar to the one the inspector had in his pocket, a bit wider, without any letter engraved inside.
The inspector returned the ring to Ranildo.
“Thank you, Captain. We can go now.”
Ranildo escorted the inspector back to the van and stood watching as the police vehicle left the base.
Ten minutes later, the sound of growling motors of trucks and jeeps, the metallic whir of helicopters and Tomahawks was heard. The war operation to apprehend Climerio had begun.
Back at the precinct to relieve Pádua, Inspector Mattos asked his colleague if he would come to an agreement with Anastácio.
“It’s not enough for that son of a bitch to return the jewels. He’s got to testify against the guy.”
“That he won’t do.”
“We’ll put the squeeze on him.”
“I don’t want you to use violence on him. The guy’s sorry about what he did.”
“He’s scared. Are you going to let Ilídio off the hook?”
“No. But I’m in no hurry. Old Turk turned up dead in Tijuca Forest.”
“Oh yeah? When?”
“Yesterday.”
“I didn’t know. How about that, I did him a favor by letting the bastard go, and somebody capped him.”
Mattos stared at Pádua, who held his colleague’s gaze.
“I think you killed Old Turk.”
“I don’t want to argue with you, Mattos.”
“It was a stupid crime.”
“We’re not going to burn a candle over some cheap loser.”
“I’m very sorry, but I’m going to have to pursue this to the end.”
“Do whatever you like.”
When Pádua left, Mattos ordered the jailor to release the prisoners in lockup for questioning. There were two. Then he called the clerk Oliveira, to whom he gave instructions to summon the numbers boss Ilídio to appear at the precinct for clarification.
AT THE MOMENT the military troops were beginning their hunt for Climerio, the superintendent of the Federal Department of Public Safety, Colonel Paulo Torres, was declaring to the press that the former head of the president’s personal guard, Gregório Fortunato, was not being held prisoner but was merely at the disposal of air force authorities. The superintendent of police added that only the former second in command of the personal guard, Valente, was under arrest, and that the driver Nelson Raimundo was in voluntary custody, evincing no desire to accept any habeas corpus on his behalf.
Colonel Paulo Torres stated further that his office had taken over the police inquiry of the Rua Tonelero affair with the objective of making the process more efficient and that every resource would be made available to Sílvio Terra, director of the Technical Police, chosen to head the new investigations.
“This measure in no way diminishes the work done till now by Inspector Pastor, about whom I have the most positive references.”
Pastor had been removed because of pressure from the military and from UDN leaders stemming from Lacerda’s accusations of bias on the part of Pastor, a Vargas supporter, in conducting the investigation of the attack. Sílvio Terra enjoyed the confidence of Lacerda, the military, and UDN politicians, and nothing could shake that confidence. By all indications, however, none of them had read the book he had written in 1939, coauthored by Pedro Mac Cord, a hefty 464-page volume entitled Politics, Law, and Culture. In that book, which featured immediately after the title page a full-page official portrait of Vargas in profile, in tailcoat and wearing the presidential sash, was an interesting chapter on the New State, on page 103.
“The legislative branch, represented by the Federal Congress, that is, the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate, did not constitute a legal safeguard of the interests of the people,” said Terra. “For these reasons, President Getúlio Vargas, on December 10, 1937, excised in timely fashion the cyst forming in our national democratic system. With the New State was born a strong democracy. President Vargas bestowed upon the nation a new constitutional charter. In reinforcing central power, he extended his democratic prophylaxis to the system, impracticable among us, of universal suffrage. The constitutional charter of November 10, 1937, is a document of great historical value. It will be for posterity a symbol of national grandeur.”
THE UDN HAD ORGANIZED in order not to let a day go by without offering anti-Vargas speeches in the Chamber and Senate.
Deputy Herbert Levy began his speech by saying the country was witnessing at that moment the final act of a tragedy initiated in 1930. “Honest men, impeccable citizens like the incorruptible Carlos Lacerda, the symbol of what Brazil could offer as the best of moral resistance, were threatened by assassins protected by the holders of power. It mattered little that those directly or indirectly responsible who had pulled the strings of the killer puppets were individuals linked more or less intimately to the president of the Republic; it was already definitively known that the moral climate making possible an attack that had outraged public opinion had been created by the president of the Republic.”
THE SHACK where Climerio Euribes de Almeida was hiding was used by his friend Oscar only to store wood that he gathered in the forest. The best wood was used by Oscar to make posts, which he sold to neighbors to repair their barbed-wire fences. The poor-quality wood went into the wood-burning stove in his house. The Tinguá forest had lots of good timber.