“When will he make the attempt?”
“Tonight, sir.” Kalinin stood and walked to a large chart of the region. “I have arranged a diversion — a large formation of aircraft flying from Nicaragua to Cuba, much the same as the first attempted convoy to Cuba. This force will directly challenge the Americans. At the same time, Maraklov and a small escort force will launch, stay clear of American radar sites in Panama and in the Lesser Antilles archipelago and out over the Atlantic Ocean; we can expect support if needed from Venezuela and Trinidad and Tobago, both of whom have been glad to accept large amounts of aid from our government in recent years, as you know. We have arranged tanker and fighter support for Maraklov over the Atlantic, well away from commercial air-traffic routes or ground-based radar sites. The force will continue north, steering well clear of known or detected naval vessels. We can expect support from Mauritania and Algeria and we can land for crew rest and replenishment in Algiers in northern Algeria or Tamanrasset in southern Algeria. After that I believe it will not be too difficult to penetrate the relatively weak NATO southern flank or the eastern Mediterranean area and recover into Tbilisi or Odessa.”
The General Secretary appeared to be only half listening. “You seem to be very confident of success, Kalinin. You were confident about the ease at which you would get this aircraft to Cuba. Yet this aircraft is still in Nicaragua.”
“I realize that this will be a difficult mission,” Kalinin said. “Maraklov must fly his aircraft nine thousand kilometers, prepared at any moment to defend himself against the Americans’ most advanced fighters, both land- and sea-based. Yet this is the fighter that can do it, sir. This XF-34 fighter has already fought its way out of the United States and survived a large coordinated assault against it. We must have this aircraft. Much of the balance of power between the Soviet Union and the United States depends on it.”
“I suspect you are overstating the case, Kalinin” … although for you it is crucial, he added to himself … “We have already lost five aircraft and had our ambassador declared non grata. I can’t accept much more.”
He turned away from Kalinin, considering the options … It would be a coup for both of them, he thought, if the fighter could be brought to Russia. And they would give it back, but only after all possible information on the machine was obtained and a suitable trade arranged.
Should the mission fail, Kalinin, his chief rival for power, would be ousted, an irritating memory, taking with him the blame for the incident. Should Kalinin succeed, his strength and authority in the government would surely increase, but enough for a takeover? He doubted it, but he would need to be very, very vigilant …
“What will you require?” the General Secretary asked.
“Because of the time involved, sir, very little,” Kalinin said. “Authorization for another Ilyushin-76 radar plane, another Il-76 tanker aircraft, six MiG-29 aircraft with our pilots from Cuba, and landing rights and defense arrangements with Trinidad and Tobago, Mauritania, Algeria, Libya and Syria. These forces to be placed under my authority for the next seventy-two hours.”
The General Secretary shook his head. “ ‘Very little,’ you say, Kalinin?” He turned to the chief of staff. “Marshal Cherkov, can these be provided in so short a time?”
Marshal Boris Cherkov, one of the oldest members of the General Secretary’s senior staff, pondered the question so long and without any apparent reaction that for a moment Kalinin and some of the others thought he was asleep. Then: “I trust young Comrade Kalinin has investigated the source of the Ilyushin aircraft and the fighters? From Cuba, I understand?”
“Yes, sir. There are a total of two Il-76 radar planes at Havana, four Il-76 tankers and twenty-one MiG-29 fighter aircraft.”
Cherkov nodded. “It seems he has his aircraft. Obtaining landing rights from any of these nations mentioned will not be a problem. Obtaining mutual-defense operations will be virtually impossible without days of precise planning — half the government of Trinidad and Tobago is on holiday, and it sometimes takes a whole day for our embassy to contact anyone in Mauritania’s government. Besides, none of these nations has any appreciable air or naval forces. I would not expect any resistance to your operation from these nations, but neither would I expect any assistance.”
Kalinin nodded. He had hoped these governments would exclude American fighters from their airspace while allowing Russian fighters to land, but obviously that wasn’t to be. “Never mind,” he said. “Permission to cross their airspace and landing rights for our jets will be enough.”
“As for the radar aircraft, tanker and fighters,” Cherkov went on, “that must be your decision. The forces are available. Of course, if the Americans launch some sort of attack against Cuba in retaliation, then those aircraft would be needed for defense …”
Kalinin was pleased. He had thought Cherkov, a close ally of the General Secretary, was going to raise a lot more problems …
“However,” Cherkov said, as if on cue, “I feel I must object to this operation.” The bastard did not let him down, Kalinin thought grimly.
It is extremely dangerous to provoke the Americans in their own ‘backyard.’ Remember the Cuban missile crisis and that fool Khrushchev. We could invite retaliation and open conflict in an area of the world where we are hardly dominant—”
“The U.S. is in no position to retaliate,” Kalinin said angrily. “If I had decided to put the aircraft on an ocean-going vessel or even a transport plane, I will admit the danger of attack in those cases would be high. If we were holding the fighter in place for some sort of trade, there would be danger of attack by the Americans. But the fighter is a moving target. The Americans will not blindly lash out and attack unless they know precisely where the aircraft is located. Besides, they are not in good standing with most of Latin America …”
Cherkov’s hands shook with emphasis. “Nicaragua is hardly an ideal safe haven. Your base at Sebaco is a prime target — you must feel the same way, judging by the haste with which you want to fly the fighter out of there. I expect Sebaco will come under attack. It is an isolated base, obviously not part of the Nicaraguan armed forces, and now nearly unprotected. The President can call it a ‘communist-terrorist headquarters,’ a rallying cry for most Americans. If I were Secretary Stuart or General Kane, I would order an attack on Sebaco immediately.”
“Then it is even more urgent that the fighter be moved without delay,” Kalinin said. “It’s too late for talking about what should have been done. I have instructed Colonel Maraklov, the XF-34’s pilot, to do everything in his power to see that the aircraft survives. I want to order him to fly the aircraft to the Soviet Union, and I want to provide him with all available military support. If we hesitate, we are, as you say, inviting defeat. If we act now, we can be successful …”
There was silence around the conference table. The General Secretary stared at Kalinin, and from across the table Kalinin forced himself to return the General Secretary’s icy stare with one as determined and convincing as he could manage. He was sure that the General Secretary was trying to think days and weeks ahead, assessing possible consequences of defeat and failure for both of them. But he also realized that the General Secretary really had no choice — to back away from this operation now, when the Americans had given them such a lengthy chance to recover and regroup, would show indecision and timidness. Over time that lack of initiative could be translated into political weakness, which would mean a further loosening of his tenuous grasp on the reins of power.