When the regime of the "grand inquisitor" is degraded so much that it can be demolished, thenpretenders into "great combinators" presents themselves to the rest of society as freedom fighters against tyranny of the "grand inquisitor". And if society does not see them as parasites from which freedom needs to be protected exactly like from the tyranny of the "grand inquisitor", the regime of the "great combinator" raised.
However, if, in the ideal, the regime of the "grand inquisitor" imposes on everybody, without exception, the duty to work in a particular field, the regime of the "great combinator" imposes this obligation only on "dupes", recognizing for those, who are able to "combine", the rights on "combinations", that do not violate the law, which is written by the similar "great combinators" of jurisprudence in such a way, to create possibilities for "combining".
Domestic intelligentsia since the times of F.M. Dostoyevsky had been scaring itself and the rest of society by the threat of tyranny of the regime of the "grand inquisitor". But since the times of N.V. Gogol, who warningly showed the great combinator P.I. Chichikov in all his glory, domestic thinkers did not care about the essence of the "great combinator", and they did not think about what kind of will be his regime, if the "great combinator" will gain monopoly power over society.
The success of the perestroika and reforms in the spirit of bourgeois liberalism, in the form in which it became history, was possible primarily because in the Soviet Union Ostap Bender was the cult literary character, which many liked because they carried in their psyche the features of his morality and character. Accordingly, after the Central Committee's sanctimonious and ideological control over the mores of society was left in the past, the true morality of the people began to express freely and the monuments to Ostap Bender appeared in many cities in the former Soviet Union[12]. This means, that the task of overcoming the crisis of the Russian multinational civilization remains in that, that each should overcome in himself both the "great combinator" and the victim of his deception:
"Most Russians thinks that modern men of this country are most often resembling Ostap Bender from the film "The Twelve chairs", performed by Andrei Mironov (24% of respondents are saying so), and modern women — Katya Tikhomirova from the film "Moscow does not believe in tears" performed by Vera Alentova (19%), All-Russia centre of studying of public opinion, which published the results of this survey, is reporting on its official website.
Among the contemporaries, russians also frequently meet prototypes of Sasha Beliy from the TV series "Brigada" (18%), the Afonya of the eponymous film (16%)..." (http://www.newsru.com/cinema/29dec2010/kinogeroi_print.html).
What is the regime of the "great combinator" in its pure form in practice — the "dashing 1990s" showed.
Regime of the "great combinator" does not guarantee anything to anyone, since even the "great combinator" inevitably will be attacked by "even more great combinator"[13] or he will face brutal violence of the envious, not capable for "noble combining"[14], — it's a matter of time. And especially those, who creates the wealth of society by their own labour, and on whose life "combinators" of different ranks are parasitizing, under the power of the regime of the "great combinator" are devoid of any warranties, except for guarantee for poverty, because they are busy with labour and they have neither time nor energy for "combining".
Therefore from the point of view of a simple worker, living on one salary, regime of the "grand inquisitor" is more preferable, because it — if certain social norms, prescribed by the "grand inquisitor", are followed, — ensures to the basic statistical population some well-being and growing of welfare.
The complaint of the majority to the "grand inquisitor" may be only that he is badly supporting that quality of life based on the four above mentioned factors: 1) quite effective management of labour in the scale of society, 2) distribution of wealthby justice in its historicaly-established understanding, 3) self-discipline and honesty of the ruling "elite" in the line with the conception of organization of society, which the "grand inquisitor" follows, 4) suppression of anti-systemic minorities, among them community of "combinators", but first of all — of anti-systemic elements in the "elite" itself.
This difference in the relation of a worker to the regimes of the "grand inquisitor" and of the "great combinator" explains the failures of attempts of "de-Stalinization" of the society both in past and in present. Khrushchev and CО were unable to carry out de-Stalinization, because, wrote off the vices of the regime on Stalin, did not establish themselves as the more effective "grand inquisitor" or as the true liberators. In the Brezhnev era KAMAZ trucks on the roads of the country went with the portraits of Stalin on the windscreens without any compulsion to the drivers by the "totalitarian" state. This can be seen as folksy hint to the regime, personified by Leonid Brezhnev, that it is not only not democratic, but even badly cope with duties of the "grand inquisitor". The attempt of "de-Stalinization", which was started by M.S. Gorbachev and A.N. Yakovlev, recruited by CIA, also was not successful, but led to the replacement of the regime of ineffective "grand inquisitor" by the regime of the "great combinator", about whose managerial efficiency and public usefulness it is not necessary to speak at all. Another attempt of "de-Stalinization", started in the 2000s, is also not achieving success, and the reason for this is that it is carrying out by henchmen of the regime of the "great combinator", trying to present themselves as true freedom-lovers[15].
In fact freedom as the property of personality and "combinatoring" as the character of its activity are incompatible with each other: in Russian language the word "freedom" objectively is the abbreviation — God-Given Leadership of Conscience (СВОБОДА — С-овестью ВО-дительство БО-гом ДА-нное). But F.M. Dostoyevsky was understanding freedom somehow differently, and so Dostoyevsky's Christ did not find objections to the grand inquisitor. And accordingly the propensity or at least the moral readiness of the individual to "combinatoring" is depriving him of liberty, and a society, in which "combinators" are free to do what they want, "honouring the criminal code", can not be free.
And that is why the TV program "Court of time" of N.K. Svanidze — illustrative example of "combinatoring" in the field of study and forming of public opinion. 10.11.2010 there were discussed the topic of industrialization of the USSR, led by Stalin in the 1930s. N.K. Svanidze not quite at the right time remembered the fragment from Joseph Brodsky: "a thief is dearer to me than a bloodsucker"[16]. Having bickered a little about the accuracy of the citation of J.A. Brodsky, S.E. Kurginyan and N.K. Svanidze had moved to another question. But none of the parties (S.E. Kurginyan against L.M. Mlechin, under the control over discussion by N.K. Svanidze) did not begin delving deeper into the consideration of the place of the Brodsky's thesis in the real life.