“There’s no evidence yet of any massive incursions, Jefferson, and scant evidence that the Consortium is involved,” Attorney General George Wentworth interjected. “Yes, the incursions have become more violent recently, but I believe that’s in response to us arming the border. They’re still going to try to come across—but now they’re arming themselves and shooting back.”
“And that is unacceptable to me, General Wentworth…!”
“As it is to me—but adding more fuel to the fire by sending in more troops is not the answer.”
“Then what do you suggest, George?” the President asked. “Let’s hear it.”
“Cancel the National Guard deployments immediately; stand down the units already in the field; ask Congress for an immediate appropriation for ten thousand new Border Patrol agents over the next three years, plus increased funding for unmanned aerial reconnaissance, electronic monitoring, and support from the Justice Department for more judges and detention facilities,” Wentworth responded immediately. “We don’t need the military to secure our borders. We’ve relied on the Border Patrol to do it for over eighty years—let’s beef them up and support them better, but have them continue their work. We can get congressional approval for such a plan—they’ll never buy off on an increased military presence on the borders.”
The President paused again, then looked at his Chief of Staff. “Tom?”
“Putting the military on the border is going to become an increasingly tense and difficult political and foreign relations problem, Mr. President,” Kinsly said. “With all due respect to the Border Patrol agents that were killed and the Mexican citizens and the American killed last night, I believe we’re overreacting by placing troops on the border. As General Lopez and the sergeant major have said, even if we fully implement a military response to this crisis, we won’t be able to completely cut off the flow of illegal migrants—they’ll just find another way to get in. There’s a societal and cultural dynamic here that we won’t be able to solve with government or military intervention.”
“And your recommendation?”
Kinsly glanced at the Secretary of Defense, then said, “Politically we can’t afford to stand down those troops already deployed to the border—it’ll make us look weak, like we caved in to President Maravilloso’s demands. They have to stay, at least for a month or two, assuming there are no more serious acts of violence. But after the furor dies down, they should be quickly and quietly withdrawn. No more military forces on the border”—he looked directly at the National Security Adviser and added—“and especially not the robots.
“I believe our policies should concentrate on fully implementing the guest worker visa program, and tougher penalties for employers who hire outside it,” Kinsly went on quickly. “We can continue to build detention facilities in the desert, but make it clear that we will follow the usual immigration and deportation guidelines. We can announce an expanded detention program for the OTMs—the ‘Other Than Mexicans,’ the ones from countries all over the world who we usually release with orders to appear, but who usually don’t. General Wentworth’s suggestion of about ten thousand more Border Patrol agents over three years is based on a legislative analysis taken not too long ago, indicating a lot of congressional support.”
“Mr. Kinsly, none of those programs solve the problem of terrorists and killers coming across the border,” Ray Jefferson said. “We can take on illegal immigration, sovereignty, border security, and antiterrorism problems all with one move: maintaining a large paramilitary presence on the borders…”
“We’re still not sure if we have a terrorist problem here, Sergeant Major, despite your enlightened guesswork,” Kinsly said. “With all due respect to the Border Patrol agent that survived and your instincts and hunches, I don’t think the United States can afford to mobilize tens of thousands of troops and place them on our borders without concrete evidence.”
It was obvious the President was quickly being swayed. He turned to the Secretary of Homeland Security. “Jeffrey?”
Jeffrey Lemke shook his head. “I hate to be so wishy-washy, Mr. President, but I think the sergeant major goes too far, and the Chief of Staff and Attorney General don’t go far enough,” he said. “I’d sure like to see all of my border security and immigration bureaus get more manpower and funding, of course, but I don’t think putting the National Guard on the borders except to assist the Border Patrol is appropriate. And I sure as heck wouldn’t want the headaches I foresee with gaining four hundred thousand National Guard troops. Homeland Security took two years to finally integrate just forty thousand members of the Coast Guard, and that’s still not fully completed.
“My recommendation is to use the National Guard on a limited basis to assist the Border Patrol, like we do with Customs and the Coast Guard,” Lemke went on. “My own studies, which I haven’t sent out for congressional opinion, point to the need for funding for twenty thousand more Border Patrol agents within five years. That’s a more appropriate level. That’s the same recommendation put forth by General Lopez when he was assigned command of Operation Rampart, and it’s a good one.
“Strategically, without definite actionable information on a specific threat to the United States, we should try to find a political and legislative solution rather than adopt a defensive and clearly threatening posture. Many of Mr. Kinsly’s suggestions sound good to me: a limited guest worker program, more punishment for violators, no ‘catch and release’ for OTMs, longer detention stays, more detention facilities. I feel we’re overreacting to recent events, and we’re in danger of having this situation spin out of control.” He glanced at Jefferson, then added, “I continued to be impressed by the sergeant major’s CID robots and his ambitious plans to deploy them, and I do believe Operation Rampart was a victim of a series of unfortunate mishaps and doesn’t reflect Task Force TALON’s capabilities. But we’re hurting, plain and simple, and I see no downside in drawing down the military aspect and steeply ramping up the legislative and political responses.”
“Sir, it sounds to me like we have a meeting of the minds, if not a full consensus,” Chief of Staff Kinsly said to the back of the President’s head. “Defense says he can’t support a major mobilization or move of the National Guard for border security; Homeland Security doesn’t seem to want them anyway, at least not as part of their roster, but suggests some limited assistance; Justice is in favor of increased Border Patrol manpower. I suggest we draft resolutions and start putting together a plan of action to push these resolutions through Congress. In the meantime, we gradually draw down the National Guard forces on the border in order to quiet the tension ratcheting up around here.”
“I’m in favor of drafting resolutions to support more detention facilities, additional funding for the Border Patrol, a guest worker program, more sanctions against employers who hire undocumented aliens, and all the rest, Mr. President,” National Security Adviser Jefferson said, “but I feel we need to make those moves in an atmosphere of strength and resolve, not weakness. General Lopez’s move to put those Guard forces on the border so quickly after the Arizona incident was a bold, audacious, resolute one—we shouldn’t lose the advantage of surprise and shock it gave us.” He paused for a moment, then added, “And if FBI Director DeLaine thinks she can use Task Force TALON to help her track down any terrorists that may have sneaked across the border, I think we should give it to her.”