61. Graeme E. Robertson, The Politics of Protest in Hybrid Regimes: Managing Dissent in Post-Communist Russia (New York, 2011), p. 196.
62. Ibid., p. 148.
63. Andrew Monaghan, ‘The End of The Putin Era?’, The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, July 2012.
64. Roxburgh, The Strongman, p. 146.
65. Mark Leonard, Ivan Krastev and Andrew Wilson (eds), What does Russia Think? (London, 2009), p. 11.
Chapter Four: The Vertical of Power
1. This description is based on photos taken by Ilya Varlamov, a photographer who associates himself with the opposition. After these photos were taken he was found to have received money from Nashi to post certain blog posts that made Putin look intelligent. The photographs are available at http://zyalt.livejournal.com/347515.html.
2. Peter Pomerantsev, ‘Putin’s Rasputin’, London Review of Books, vol. 33, no. 20, 20 October 2011.
3. Natan Dubovitsky, Okolonolya: Gangsta Fiction (Moscow, 2009).
4. Vitaly Leibin, Viktor Dyatlikovich, Dmitry Kartsev and Andrei Veselov, ‘Surkov: Neizvestnaya Istoria Putinskoi Rossii’, Russki Reporter, 30 January 2012.
5. Charles Clover and Daniel Dombey, ‘Oil Trading Group Gunvor Denies Putin Links’, Financial Times, 3 December 2010.
6. Ilya Zhegulyev and Ludmila Romanova, Operatsiya Edinaya Rossiya: Neizvestnaya Istoria Partii Vlast (Moscow, 2012), p. 26.
7. Ibid., p. 27.
8. David E. Hoffman, The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia (New York, 2002), p. 123.
9. ‘Interview with Kremlin Boss Vladislav Surkov’, Der Spiegel, 20 June 2005.
10. Zhegulyev and Romanova, Operatsiya Edinaya Rossiya, p. 110.
11. Valery Panyushkin, Twelve Who Don’t Agree: The Battle for Freedom in Putin’s Russia (New York, 2011), p. 232.
12. Sean P. Roberts, Putin’s United Russia Party (New York, 2012), p. 3.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid., p. 155.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid., p. 73.
18. Ibid., p. 76.
19. Ibid., pp. 3, 80.
20. ‘Interview with Kremlin Boss Vladislav Surkov’, Der Spiegel, 20 June 2005.
21. Ibid., p. 3.
22. Clifford G. Gaddy and Andrew C. Kuchins, ‘Putin’s Plan’, The Washington Quarterly, Spring 2008.
23. Zhegulyev and Romanova, Operatsiya Edinaya Rossiya, p. 237.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., p. 96.
26. ‘Interview with Kremlin Boss Vladislav Surkov’, Der Spiegel, 20 June 2005.
27. Sean P. Roberts, Putin’s United Russia Party (New York, 2012), p. 150.
28. Mikhail Kasyanov, Bezputina: Politichiskie Dialog S Evgeny Kiselyevim (Moscow, 2009), p. 173.
29. Richard Sakwa, Russian Politics and Society, 4th edn (New York, 2008), p. 260.
30. Gleb Pavlovsky, Genialnaya Vlast (Moscow, 2012), p. 19.
31. Thane Gustafson, The Wheel of Fortune: The Battle for Oil and Power in Russia (London, 2012), p. 391.
32. Maria Lipman and Nikolay Petrov (eds), Russia in 2020: Scenarios for the Future (Washington DC, 2011), p. 327.
33. Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan, The New Nobility: The Restoration of Russia’s Security State and the Enduring Legacy of the KGB (New York, 2010), p. 5.
34. Yevgeniya Albats, The State within a State: The KGB and Its Hold on Russia’s Past, Present and Future (New York, 1994), p. 23.
35. Brian D. Taylor, State Building in Putin’s Russia: Policing and Coercion after Communism (New York, 2011), p. 48.
36. Ibid., p. 38.
37. Soldatov and Borogan, The New Nobility, p. 70.
38. Available at http://cpj.org/killed/europe/russia/.
39. ‘Interview with Kremlin Boss Vladislav Surkov’, Der Spiegel, 20 June 2005.
40. Lilia Shevtsova, Lost in Transition: The Yeltsin and Putin Legacies (Washington DC, 2007), p. 174.
41. Vladislav Surkov, ‘Russkaya Politichaskaya Kultura: Vzglyad Iz Utopii’, Russkiy Jurnal, 15 June 2007.
42. Yury Pavlov, Da Gospodin Prezident (Moscow, 2005).
43. Roberts, Putin’s United Russia Party, p. 87.
44. Ibid., p. 160.
45. Julia Ioffe, ‘Net Impact: One Man’s Cyber-Crusade against Russian Corruption’, The New Yorker, 4 April 2011.
46. ‘Vtoraya Partiya Vlasti Poyavilis S Podachi Surkova’, Lenta, 16 August 2006.
47. Arkady Ostrovsky, ‘Bribery in Russia up Tenfold in Four Years’, Financial Times, 22 June 2010.
48. Ibid.
49. One of the reasons for the sharpness of this drop was the expansion of the number of countries included in the Corruptions Perception Index. However, Elena Panfilova, the head of Transparency International in Russia, insists even if no countries had been added Russia would still have deteriorated on the index. Available at http://archive.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2001.
50. Available at http://archive.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2006.
51. Vladimir Radchenko, ‘Samii Negumanii Sud – Dlya Predprinmateli’, Forbes, 11 April 2011.
52. Allen Lynch, Vladimir Putin and Russian Statecraft (Washington DC, 2011), p. 89.
53. Anna Nemtsova, ‘Zakhar Prilepin: a modern Leo Tolstoy’, Russia beyond the Headlines, 13 April 2012.
54. Zakhar Prilepine, San’kia (Paris, 2009), p. 90.
55. Ibid., p. 92.
56. Yevgenia Albats, ‘“Une Generation Insaisissable”, Russie: Un Autoportrait’, Courrier Internationale, September 2011.
57. ‘Russia’s Regions: Facts And Figures’, United Nations Development Programme, available at http://www.undp.ru/index.phtml?iso=RU&lid=1&pid=1&cmd=text&id=187.
58. The girl in question was 17 years old at the time. Evidence comes from screenshots of an online conversation in which he appears to acknowledge intercourse. Available at http://dobrokhotov.users.photofile.ru/photo/dobrokhotov/115822366/139283934.jpg.
59. Available at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=24XBX0Wkmpw.
60. Elizabeta Maetnaya, ‘Sudba Barabanshitsi’, Izvestia, 20 December 2011.
61. Pavlovsky, Genialnaya Vlast, p. 90.
62. ‘Putin Attacks Jackal Opponents’, BBC News, 21 November 2007.
63. ‘Putin deplores collapse of USSR’, BBC News, 25 April 2005.