Crowded buses full of tired people passed beneath the Brandenburg Gate, where Napoleon’s army had once marched: what was the bond between that day and this? Along the Wannsee, on a brilliant Sunday, people “ride, boat, walk, eat, wander, buy, stare, and make love,” before returning, sunburned, to the city’s slavery. Communists and nationalists competed in noisy political demonstrations, but more impressive were the less pretentious Social Democrats, who had unwittingly carried “the idealism of the German character through the horrors of war and revolution and economic collapse.”33
George soon fell in love with one of them. Her name was Charlotte Böhm, and her story—which he sent to Jeanette—reflected what had happened to Germany in recent years. She had grown up in Berlin, the daughter of a businessman, and in 1914 had watched her brother march off to a war in which “it seemed that men had become gods and participated in incredible, awe-inspiring adventures.” But one night the boy’s guitar inexplicably fell off the wall. Charlotte’s mother knew instantly that “der Junge war tot.” But when the war ended and the troops marched home, Charlotte could not help watching day after day for her brother: “There might have been some dreadful mistake; it might have been all a bad dream; he might march back, as he had marched away.”
Of course he didn’t. Impoverished by war and inflation, her mother gave up her apartment and moved to the country. Charlotte became a secretary, had love affairs that did not last, and “slowly the girlishness went out of her face,” to be replaced by the signs of “a joyless, purposeless, solitary existence.” That was how she was when he met her. Charlotte “literally blossomed out during the time we were together; it was like a rebirth.” But he could not marry her, he had to go to Tallinn, and now “all that I had accomplished is undone again.” This was why, George explained to Jeanette, “it is hard to live in Europe and see things of this sort and then come home and feel boundless optimism in perpetual prosperity and the general righteousness of things.” It was also “why I am probably always going to be considerable of a radical.”34
V.
June 1928. “The attractiveness of a blond German girl [not Charlotte] sitting beside me [on a train] is heightened almost unbearably by the fact that she pays no attention to me. I wish to hell Sherman [a friend] were not so drunk. He keeps starting to whistle, whereupon I look up from my Russian grammar in a startled fashion.” Despite the fact that he was not to begin language training for another year, George used his time in Berlin to master the Russian alphabet and to begin learning—whatever the distractions—the rudiments of grammar. By mid-July he was in Tallinn serving as the second and very junior member of the two-person American diplomatic and consular office there. A single minister represented the United States in all three Baltic republics, but he operated chiefly out of Riga, in Latvia, with only occasional visits to Estonia and Lithuania. Kennan’s work in Tallinn was varied and at times amusing: “I rather loved it.”35 But the real excitement was that the Baltic states were as close to the Soviet Union as it was possible to get without going there—an opportunity open to most Americans at the time but not, paradoxically, to the Foreign Service’s young “experts” on that country, the existence of which their government had not yet officially recognized.
The Riga legation was the principal American “listening post” for Soviet affairs, just as Hong Kong would be during the 1950s and 1960s prior to the establishment of diplomatic contacts with the People’s Republic of China. Kennan was not yet entrusted with such responsibilities, but he used his free time in Tallinn—of which there was plenty—to prepare himself for them. He hired a Ukrainian tutor who knew no English, and between them they studied Russian as best they could, unable to communicate in any other language. They used first-grade readers, and it was from these “that I conceived… a love for this great Russian language—rich, pithy, musical, sometimes tender, sometimes earthy and brutal, sometimes classically severe—that was… an unfailing source of strength and reassurance in the drearier and more trying reaches of later life.”36
Kennan’s fluency became sufficient that he could spend Christmas at the remote fifteenth-century monastery of Pskovo-Pechorsky, then located on the Estonian side of the Soviet border. “I damn near died of hunger, because these monks didn’t have anything to eat, except barrels of salted herring and black bread. [But] they were nice to me.” In Narva, farther north, he found equally ugly Orthodox and Lutheran churches glowering over the miserable huts that surrounded them: a clash of Russian and Scandinavian cultures. The same was evident in Helsinki, a strikingly more modern city than Tallinn, where within the magnificent new railroad station stood “the box-like passenger cars of the old Russian railway system, with their crazy, chimney-like ventilators protruding from their roofs,” a reminder that “for hundreds of miles beyond there stretches the bleak melancholy expanse of northern Russia… ageless… unconquerable.”37
While trying to fathom what lay to the east, Kennan brooded about Europe’s fragility and his own superficiality. “Americanism, like Bolshevism, is a disease which gains footing only in a weakened body,” he concluded with youthful certainty. “If the Old World has no longer sufficient vitality, economic and cultural, to oppose these new barbarian invasions, it will have to drown in the flood, as civilizations have drowned before it.” The only escape lay “in depth rather than breadth,” for in a world in which anyone with health and persistence could travel anywhere, the only unexplored territory lay “deep[e]r down in our own selves, about which we know everything, and understand nothing.” That was a lofty way of addressing a lower problem: George’s own self-absorption, from which flowed intellectual accomplishment and—increasingly—the ability to write compelling prose, but also still behavior echoing “my neurotic student youth.”38
There was, for example, the August weekend he spent at the dacha of Harry Carlson, the American consul in Tallinn and his only immediate superior. He began it in a bad humor: “I hate the world, and the world hates me.” While sharing a train compartment with a British officer who had also been invited, they quickly decided that they disliked each other and needed to make no effort to conceal the fact. Their host was well-meaning, earnest, and nervous, yet what right did he have to “force on me” his “timorous, middle-class standards?” George sulked through dinner, refused to play bridge, and woke the next morning “stuffy and bilious.” Sensing this, Mrs. Carlson suggested “that I amuse myself as I see fit.” So he hired a boat and set off rowing vigorously across the bay against the wind: after a while, with blistered hands, it was time to turn back. Upon his arrival, however, the British officer proposed a paddle-boat outing, during which both were drenched by a large wave. But both were stubborn. “He is not going to complain, and [n]either am I.” So they grimly made their way to the other side and back, chilled, soaked, aching, and miserable. Aware at once that he had not been a good guest, George remorsefully recorded the details of the unhappy weekend. Long afterward he would remember his bad manners as having merited “the general ostracism I received thenceforth in the little diplomatic-consular community.”39
Kennan moved to a larger community—the Riga legation—early in 1929. That city resembled, as none other did, prerevolutionary St. Petersburg: “The copy had survived the original.” He also had colleagues now whose job it was to watch the Soviet Union. He listened carefully to their endless arguments “rising and falling with the hours.” He was not in the “Russian Section,” but his reports—mostly on Baltic issues—were winning respect. Four days after George’s twenty-fifth birthday, a visiting State Department inspector noted that