II.
Kennan still wanted to come home. “I feel I must get away this spring,” he cabled Durbrow on March 7, and “if Dept can not take some action in near future I am afraid I will have to submit telegraphic resignation and ask to be relieved by May 1.” Byrnes himself replied, noting that Harriman’s successor as ambassador, General Walter Bedell Smith, would soon arrive in Moscow, but that Durbrow, who was to replace Kennan, would not be able to get there until July. Could not Kennan stay on until that date? “You have been doing a wonderful job, for which we are all very grateful.” Smith followed up: “The most important single thing to me in connection with this mission is that I have the benefit of your experience and advice…. I request most urgently that you remain until about July first.”13
“It is a source of great satisfaction to me that I have been able, with the loyal and effective support of the other officers here, to assist you in your heavy responsibility at this difficult period,” Kennan replied to Byrnes. “I have been associated with this Mission on and off since its inception, and no one—I think—has its interests more keenly at heart.” If the department really wanted him to stay through June, he would do so to the extent that his health permitted. But he warned Durbrow that it might not. He had been sick for weeks, and in “this sunless and vitaminless environment,” recovery had been slow. With other departures and persisting staff shortages, “we are operating here under tremendous pressure and on absolutely no margin.”14
That left Durbrow looking for a solution. “George wanted to get out of the Service [to go] into the academic world. I didn’t want George to get out of the Service. Chip [Bohlen] didn’t, and Loy Henderson didn’t. We had a guy that had a wonderful analytical mind, and we needed him.” Fortunately for all concerned, Durbrow enjoyed Washington cocktail parties. At one he ran into General Alfred M. Gruenther, a distinguished Army officer who had just been appointed deputy commandant of the new National War College. “You know George Kennan, don’t you?” “Very well, yes.” “We need somebody with background on the Soviet Union, who’s brilliant.” Behind the inquiry, Durbrow suspected, was “the telegram,” which Gruenther had probably read. “He’s in Moscow, isn’t he? Any chance of getting him back?” After hearing what the job would entail, Durbrow thought it perfect: “George will love that. It’ll get him in the academic world to a certain extent. It’ll get him out of the rut of routine business.” Kennan too, when Durbrow wrote him, jumped at the opportunity. “Am interested in National War College job mentioned in your letter,” he cabled back. “What would be “[n]ature of duties, salary, title, etcetera?”15
The title, it turned out, would be Deputy Commandant for Foreign Affairs; Kennan would retain his Class I rank in the Foreign Service; and his assignment would be to help design and teach the curriculum at the first school for grand strategy that had ever existed in the United States. Located in the former premises of the Army War College at Fort McNair in Washington, the National War College was an early response to the widespread conviction, emerging from World War II, that the nation could no longer afford to separate military operations from political objectives. Although he played no role in establishing it, the school was another vindication of Kennan’s thinking. He was, Ambassador Smith had to acknowledge, “unquestionably the best possible choice that could be made from the State Dept.” The students would be mid-career Army, Navy, and Foreign Service officers destined for higher responsibilities; classes would start early in September. The job suited Kennan for many reasons, not the least of which was that the task of preparing for it would get him and his family home sooner. They needed to leave right away, he wrote Bohlen on April 19. “[O]nly ex-Muscovite could understand.”16
The Kennans departed on the twenty-ninth, traveling with Smith by plane to Paris, where George spent a week with the U.S. delegation to the Council of Foreign Ministers, which was meeting there. They sailed for New York on May 10, and by the twenty-first were back at the farm in East Berlin. “We are as usual frightfully busy getting settled,” Annelise wrote to Frieda Por. “I wonder if we are ever going to get out of that state.” The State Department, in the meantime, had authorized George’s transfer, even if it was not quite sure where: “You are hereby assigned to duty at the Naval War College.”17
Feeling guilty that he had abandoned Smith as the new ambassador was taking up his duties in Moscow, Kennan wrote him a long letter on June 27, explaining how he had used the past five weeks. Most of his time had been spent working with Gruenther and his colleagues on the war college curriculum. But there had also been “many demands” to talk about the Soviet Union:
I gave a full-fledged lecture to the representatives of over forty national organizations…. I gave a similar lecture to a packed house of officials from all parts of the State Department. I went over to the Navy Department, lunched with Admiral [Chester] Nimitz and the highest officers on duty there, and then talked for an hour and a half with a larger group of naval officers. I had similar sessions at the War Department, both with the operations and the intelligence people. I had an evening with Secretary [of the Navy James] Forrestal out on his yacht. I had a luncheon with General [Carl] Spaatz and sat in on the sessions of the Russian committee of SWIN [probably SWNCC, the State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee]. I talked to the assembled economic experts of the [State] Department (I think this was the least satisfactory of all the conferences I have had). I spent one lunch hour trying to warn Mr. [Harold] Ickes about the Communist front organizations which he is frequently associated with. I had appointments with Mr. [Donald] Russell [Assistant Secretary of State for Administration] and General [John] Hilldring [Assistant Secretary of State for Occupied Areas], with the heads of personnel and the director of [the] Foreign Service and the acting head of the Foreign Buildings Office. I talked at length with the officers of the USSR section of the Research and Analysis Branch of the [State] Department. I spent an evening with [Assistant Secretary of State] Spruille Braden and the Department’s leading Latin American experts. There was the usual number of unavoidable luncheons and dinners with press people. Finally, I had made arrangements (this should not go beyond you and the top officers in the Embassy) to give certain help to the new National Intelligence Agency now headed by General [Hoyt] Vandenberg.
There would now be three weeks at the farm until July 20, when Kennan would begin a speaking tour of the western United States. It was a State Department experiment in public outreach: “I hope it will be profitable to the victims.”
Kennan was grateful for the confidence Smith had shown in him by allowing his early return: the pressure would have been much greater had he had to remain in Moscow through most of the summer. He and Annelise hoped that the Smiths were beginning to feel “some of the ineffable and implausible, but nonetheless real compensations which life [in Moscow] has to offer.” The ambassador would probably say, “with a snort,” that these were apparent “only to those who have left and are reposing comfortably in the arms of capitalism. And to that retort, I have no reply.”18