caput Nili [source of the Nile] in neuropathology...'39 But he then went on to add-and this is what has brought about the great revision-'these patients never repeat these stories spontaneously, nor do they ever in the course of a treatment suddenly present the physician with the complete recollection of a scene of this kind'. For Freud, as he presented his findings, these memories were unconscious, outside the patient's awareness, 'traces are never present in conscious memory, only in the symptoms of the illness'. His patients, going into therapy, had no idea about these scenes and, he confessed, they were 'indignant as a rule' when they were told. 'Only the strongest compulsion of the treatment can induce them to embark on reproducing them' (the early circumstances of abuse). As Allen Esterson and others have shown, Freud's techniques in the early days were not those of a sensitive analyst sitting quietly on a couch, listening to what his patients had to say. On the contrary, Freud would touch his patients on the forehead- this was his 'pressure' technique-and he would insist that something would come into their heads-an idea, image or memory. They were made to describe these images and memories until, after a long stream, they would alight on the event that caused the (supposed) hysterical symptom. In other words, say the critics, Freud had very fixed ideas about what lay at the root of various symptoms and rather than passively listen and let the clinical evidence emerge from observation, he forced his views on his patients. It was out of this unusual approach that there came his most famous set of observations. This was that the patients had been seduced, or otherwise sexually abused, in infancy, and that these experiences lay at the root of their later neurotic symptoms. The culprits were divided into three: adult strangers; adults in charge of the children, such as maids, governesses or tutors; and 'blameless children...mostly brothers who for years on end had carried on sexual relations with sisters a little younger than themselves'.40 The age at which these precocious sexual experiences were alleged to have taken place occurred most commonly in the third to fifth year. To this point, what the critics chiefly argue is that Freud's allegedly 'clinical' observations are no such thing. They are instead a dubious 'reconstruction', based on symbolic interpretation of the symptom. It is necessary to repeat that a close reading of Freud's various reports shows that patients never actually volunteered these stories of sexual abuse. On the contrary they vehemently denied them. Invariably, it was Freud who 'informed', 'persuaded', 'intuited' or 'inferred' these processes. In several places he actually admitted to 'guessing' what the underlying problem was. However, and this is another event of some significance, within eighteen months Freud was confiding to his colleague Wilhelm Fleiss (but only to Fleiss) that he no longer believed in this theory of the origins of neurosis. He thought it improbable there should be such widespread perversions against children, and in any case he was failing to bring any of his analyses based on these ideas to a successful conclusion. 'Of course I shall not tell it in Dan, nor speak of it in Askelon, in the land of the Philistines, but in your eyes and my own...' In other words, he was not prepared to do the scientifically honourable thing, and acknowledge publicly that he was withdrawing his confidently-claimed 'findings' of the previous year. It was now that he began to consider the possibility that these events were unconscious fantasies rather than memories. However, even then this new variation took time to coalesce fully, because Freud at first thought that infants' fantasies occurred in order to 'cover up the auto-erotic activity of the early years of childhood'. In 1906 and again in 1914 he said that, around puberty, some patients conjured up unconscious memories of infantile 'seductions' to 'fend off' memories of infantile masturbation. In 1906 the 'culprits' of the fantasies were adults or older children, while in 1914 he did not specify who they were. In that report, however, he did at last fully retract his seduction theory. Even so, it was only in 1925, nearly thirty years after the events in question , that he first said publicly that most of his early female patients had accused their father of having seduced them. The size of this volte-face cannot be overstated. In the first place, there is no question but that he radically changed the scenario of seduction- from real to fantasised, and further, he changed the identity of the seducers from strangers/tutors/brothers to fathers. The important point to take on board is that this change occurred as a result of no new clinical evidence: Freud simply painted a different picture, using the same ingredients, except that this time he was a quarter of a century away from the evidence. Second, and no less important, during the long years between the late 1890s and 1925, during which time he treated many female patients, Freud never reported that any of them mentioned early seductions, by their fathers or anyone else. In other words, it seems that once Freud stopped looking for it, this syndrome ceased to show itself. This is surely further evidence, say the critics, that the seduction theory, and by extension the Oedipus and Electra complexes, perhaps the most influential aspect of Freudianism, and one of the most important ideas of the twentieth century, in both medical and artistic terms, not to say common parlance, turns out to have the most