As a whole, a history of the Hsiung-nu power's formation fits in the general picture of origin of the nomadic empires of the Eurasia. Of four possible identified variants of origin of steppe polities: (1) Mongolian way through usurpation of the power; (2) Turkic one — in the process of struggle for independence; (3) Hunnish one — by migration to the territory of the agricultural state; (4) Khazar one — in the course of sedenterization of the great 'world' steppe empire). The Hsiung-nu fit classically into the first and most widespread model of which an appearance among the nomads of a talented or successful leader was characteristic who has been able to consolidate all tribes and khanates 'living behing the felt walls' into the united steppe power. Such a talented political and military leader of the Hsiung-nu was Mao-tun, Ssu-ma Ch'ien depicts how was a ruler (Shan-yii) of the Hsiung-nu and captured a throne [Лидай 1958: 15–16], however, in this story, the echos of real historical events and elements of the fancifully mixed up. This story more resembles a fiction than a truth as it contains much incredible: (1) Political revolutions are prepared in secret. In this case, all the preparatory measures have been carried out at great concourse and it is not likely that Shan-yii Touman had no knowledge of them; (2) Why a murder by Мао-tun of the 'loved'(!) wife went unpunished? How did he explained a such cruel action to his father and relatives of wife? Why a custom of'blood feud' did not infringe on him? (3) The number of the 'loved' wife's was very great. There are three ones in a story;
(4) Why did not Shan-yii and his retainers not only stop a terror that wasunleashed by Мао-tun in his district but had no knowledge of repression's?
(5) how did Мао-tun make bold to kill before the father's eyes his 'loved' horse?All know what value has the horse for a nomad and striking a blow to another'srunner implies a striking a blow to its owner; (6) the fact of the fathers murderitself is a very doubletful. In the history of the nomadic world, the events ofmurders in the struggle for the throne were often noted. But I don't know therulers of the nomadic empires of the fathers' killers.
However, the existence of Shan-yii Touman as a real historical person can be called in question. F. Hirth [1910] and K. Shiratori [1902] have noted a consonance of this name with a world 'tuman' meaning 'ten thousand warriors'. Thus, it is possible that Touman is a some collective image but not real father of Mao-tun.
On the whole, a story of advent of Мао-tun to power closely resembles a tale or epic work. A subject has a clear composition structure and is divided into two parts. In the first one, a sequence of events of Мао-tun advent to power is depicted while, in the second, an account of his diplomatic relations with the Tung-hu ruler and war against him gives that comes to a happy end as often happens in the literature works. All of events in both parts run on the principle of chain, and the tension grows gradually until, finally, ends with any action. Such a way of the subject construction called an effect of cumulativity by V.Ya. Propp was widely used in different forms of the folklore works [Пропп 1976].
The second fundamental likeness of a story of Мао-tun rise with the folklore works consists in a principle of triplicity. All events of the chain are repeated three times (as in a tale) but every time with cumulative increase in tension. Initially, Мао-tun shoots at his horse (I omit here a first event of using by Мао-tun the singing arrows), then at the wife and the horse of his father. Only for the third time, he has won the unanimous support on the part of his fighting men. In the second part, he gives up horse, wife and only for the third time mounts a horse and takes the field against Tung-hu.
The third likeness with the folklore works is present in the composition structure. In the folklore, the horse and wife are traditional elements and the enemies threaten to capture them from the main hero (see, for example, «Jangar», «Geser» or tales). Twice, Мао-tun was forced to leave the 'loved' wife's and 'loved' runners.
The fourth likeness of a story of Мао-tun rise with the folklore works was in a description of main personages. In the epos and tales, all of main characters are positive, they express, as a rale, the ideas of the ethnic or mass consciousness. Even if a main hero (character) is forced in the course of events to accomplish the actions which are condemned in real situations, it is in no way reflected on his folklore image. In case of Мао-tun, we see an absolute analogy with aforesaid. By logic of the legend, everybody must ferociously hate him. He is an usurper, patricial and tyrant. However, in the legend and reality, Мао-tun don't look as a dictator (here, a certain parallel comes to mind with the literature image of Chinggis Khan and his real role in the history of the Mongol empire).
Thus, a story of Мао-tun advent to power total by Ssu-ma Ch'ien can not consider as a reliable account of events occurring in Mongolia at the border of 3–2 centuries ВС. One can only say conclusively that Мао-tun come to power by a way of usurpation and, thereafter, he defeated Tung-hu and forced them to pay tribute.
Here, new question arise before us and two of them appear to be most important. The first question is related to dating of all events mentioned in the legend. Alas! The time in the folklore works is not consistent with the real time. It obeys the subject and changes in accordance with the events (characters). But the second question is even more complicated: who was a founder of the 'black' legend of Shan-уй Mao-tun? In the main, this question is a key one an and a clue of the problem as a whole depends on the answer to it.
In accordance with the written and archaeological sources, the pastoral nomadism was a basic business of Hsiung-nu. As for the nomads of Mongolia and Transbaikalia in the later times, the Hsiung-nu bred a typical for Eurasia set of animals: sheep, cattle, horses and, more rarely, goats and camels. In addition, they had also in small proportion other species of domestic animals. The economic system of the Hsiung-nu empire was based not only on the pastoral nomadism. The Hsiung-nu developed the internal sedentarization and promoted the agrarian policy, and handicraft. They created the special settlements at the places fafourable for agriculture where they settled the immigrants from China and personers of war from the settled states. The best known settled sites of Hsiung-nu times are Ivolginsky fort and Dureny settlement in Buryatia.
A different nationality of the settled residents in the west Transbaikalia is confirmed by many arguments of the archaeological studies: (1) predominance in the materials of the Ivolginsky fort excavations of the bones of such ('non-nomadic") animals as dog and pig; (2) fishing business; (3) construction of warmed stove-benches in the houses — kangs; (4) typical Chinese agricultural tools; (5) Chinese shapes of vessels; (6) Chinese hieroglyphes on a pottery; (7) anthropologic determinations of skills from the Ivolginsky cemetery [Гохман 1960].
A problem of contacts between the nomads and farmers is among the permanently discussed problems. Almost the fundamental question is in an estimation of a role of nomads in these processes. Some believed that the nomads were first of all robbers since earliest times and conquerors who brought death and destruction to people. While other considered that nomads were creators of the original mobile culture. The supporters of the latter standpoint see, as a rule, the relations between nomads and settled people within the framework of different conceptions of 'symbiosis'. It would be improper to regard the relation between nomadic and settled people unilaterally, only as enmity since earliest times or, on the country, symbiosis. In a reality, a situation was more complicated. Over the course of the Hsiung-nu empire existence, the relations between nomads and Han have not remained unchanged but have subjected to a particular evolution. One can identify four stages of the Hsiung-nu — Han relations.