26 For an account, see Joseph Polowsky’s testimony in Studs Terkel, A Good War: An Oral History of World War II (New York, 1984), pp. 444–50.
27 GARF, 7077/1/19, 7–10.
28 GARF, 7399/1/3, 126.
29 Cited in Naimark, p. 74.
30 GARF 7317/7/147, 7317/7/118, 31.
31 GARF, 7077/1/19, 13.
32 Ibid.
33 GARF, 7399/1/3, 153–4.
34 Ibid., 125–7.
35 Ibid., 34; 7317/7/147, 76.
36 Ibid., 98.
37 GARF, 7077/1/178, 10–11.
38 GARF, 7399/1/3, 95.
39 GARF, 7399/1/1, 2.
40 Ibid., 14–15.
41 An example among many was Frankfurt on the Oder (GARF 7399/1/3, 11–15), where discipline had ‘become better than before’ by early July. See also GARF, 7317/7/124b, 36–9, which relates to Berlin.
42 GARF, 7317/10/23, 48–9.
43 Naimark, p. 74.
44 GARF, 7399/1/1, 16.
45 GARF, 7317/7/124b, 5.
46 On the duty of Germans to die for the clean-up, see GARF, 7523/16/79, 215.
47 Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina, 4, p. 191.
48 Ibid.
49 GARF, 7077/1/178.
50 Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina, 4, 191–2; Overy, pp. 302–3. For a discussion of the repatriations in general, see Nikolai Tolstoy, Victims of Yalta (London, 1977).
51 Incidents and interviews appear in GARF, 7317/20/15, 42–68.
52 Velikaya Otechestvennaya Voina, 4, pp. 192–3.
53 GARF, 5446/48a/13, 9–11.
54 Ibid., 26–7.
55 Ibid., 27.
56 Overy, p. 302.
57 GARF, 7317/7/124v, 18–19.
58 GARF, 7317/20/13, 76.
59 GARF, 7399/1/3, 42; 7317/20/13, 74.
60 GARF, 7184/1/65, 180.
61 GARF, 7523/16/79, 163.
62 TsAMO, 136/24416/24, 19–21.
63 GARF, 7184/1/57, 347–8.
64 Velikaya Otechestvennaya, 2(3), 378.
65 GARF, 7184/1/57, 347.
66 Pushkarev, Po dorogam voiny, p 160.
67 GAOPIKO, 1/7/3755, 53.
68 TsDNISO, 6/1/2005, 16.
69 GAOPIKO, 1/13755, 5.
70 GARF, 7523/16/54, 1.
71 Smolensk figures from oblast records (TsDNISO, 6/1/2005, 12–16) and district reports (6/1/2005, 24, 47).
72 This story is told in Nina Tumarkin, The Living and the Dead, p. 104; Garrard and Garrard, Bones, pp. 215–6.
73 On the fulfilment (or otherwise) of Sovnarkom resolutions on war graves, see GAKO, R3322/10/81, 33–4. Simonov’s call for a kind of Soviet orderliness in place of the soldiers’ own tastes in memorials is noted in RGALI, 1814/6/144, 52.
74 GARF, 5446/48a/2657, 161.
75 Of 1,913 buildings commandeered as hospitals by May 1945, 333 were former educational institutions and eighty-four their former halls of residence. GARF, 5446/48a/2657, 161.
76 TsDNISO, 37/1/264, 8.
77 Tumarkin, p. 98.
78 GARF, 8009/35/20, 2.
79 Ibid., 2–3.
80 Night of Stone, p. 315.
81 For literary examples, see Dunham, pp. 10–11.
82 Report from Leningrad hospitals, TsGASPb, 9156/4/321, 14–15.
83 Night of Stone, p. 305, also referring to reports from post-war Leningrad.
84 See Overy, p. 312.
85 Grossman, Life and Fate, p. 141.
86 On Leningrad, see Ehrenburg, p. 11.
87 See Dunham, especially Chapter 13, pp. 214–224.
88 Doctors working in rural areas near Leningrad at the time would find that peasant women also stopped menstruating, which they ascribed to a kind of mourning, but which may as easily have been the result of poor diet and heavy manual work. See Night of Stone, pp. 312–3.
89 Alexiyevich, p. 206.
90 GARF, 8009/35/20, 2–3.
91 Night of Stone, p. 314; see also Werth, p. 520.
92 RGASPI-M, 129.
93 RGASPI-M, 33/1/1404, 131; 33/1/1405, 118.
94 For Vera Dunham’s tart summary, see In Stalin’s Time, p. 214.
95 See Overy, pp. 309–11; Bones, pp. 219–28; Night of Stone, p. 273.
96 Applebaum, Gulag, pp. 414–23.
97 Night of Stone, pp. 317–9; See also Robert Service, A History of Twentieth-Century Russia (London, 1997), p. 319.
11 And We Remember All
1 On Stalinism and Russian nationalism among veterans after 1945, see Druzhba, p. 43.
2 Like Stalin, he also sacked Zhukov. See Robert Service, Twentieth-Century Russia, p. 372.
3 Khrushchev attacked what he described as the cult of Stalin’s personality, and with it, many of the excesses of Stalin’s dictatorship. See N. S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers, trans. Strobe Talbott (London, 1970), pp. 559–618.
4 For the memorials, see Michael Ignatieff, ‘Soviet War Memorials,’ History Workshop Journal, 17 (Spring 1984), pp. 157–63.
5 For further evidence, see Ignatieff, ibid., and Nina Tumarkin, The Living and the Dead, which traces the Second World War cult over forty years.
6 On 1965 in the veterans’memories, see Kolomenskii almanakh, vyp 4 (Moscow, 2000), p. 238.
7 R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Gorbachev Revolution (Houndmills, 1988), p. 101.
8 For the story of Katyn, which emerged only after 1990, see R. W. Davies, Soviet History in the Yeltsin Era (Houndmills, 1997), pp. 18–19.
9 This was a comment made to the Yugoslav diplomat, Milovan Djilas. See Djilas, Conversations with Stalin (New York, 1962), p. 111.
10 For the whole story, see Nina Tumarkin, ‘Story of a War Memorial’, in Garrard and Garrard (Eds), World War II, pp. 125–46.
11 See George Gibian’s ‘World War 2 in Russian National Consciousness’, in Garrard and Garrard, ibid., pp. 147–160.
12 Georgian veterans tended to be even more ‘Soviet’ in their outlook than Russians, not least because the notion of Georgian homeland is fragmented and, in the present, still troubled by ethnic hatreds inside the republic’s territory.
13 Werth, p. 155.
14 Druzhba, p. 43. The persistence of this kind of nationalism was apparent in the interviews I carried out in Georgia and eastern Ukraine in 2002 and 2003.
15 The testimonies in Rodina, 1991, 6–7, especially pp. 61–3, confirm what surviving members of punishment battalions said to me.
16 M. Gefter (Ed.), Golosa iz mira, kotorogo uzhe net (Moscow, 1995), p. 41.
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