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The chief arguments at the tables of the Café Griensteidl, and other cafés, were between what the social philosopher Karl Pribram termed two ‘world-views.4 The words he used to describe these worldviews were individualism and universalism, but they echoed an even earlier dichotomy, one that interested Freud and arose out of the transformation at the beginning of the nineteenth century from a rural society of face-to-face intimacy to an urban society of ‘atomistic’ individuals, moving frantically about but never really meeting. For Pribram the individualist believes in empirical reason in the manner of the Enlightenment, and follows the scientific method of seeking truth by formulating hypotheses and testing them. Universalism, on the other hand, ‘posits eternal, extramental truth, whose validity defies testing…. An individualist discovers truth, whereas a universalist undergoes it.’5 For Pribram, Vienna was the only true individualist city east of the Rhine, but even there, with the Catholic Church still so strong, universalism was nonetheless ever-present. This meant that, philosophically speaking, Vienna was a halfway house, where there were a number of ‘halfway’ avenues of thought, of which psychoanalysis was a perfect example. Freud saw himself as a scientist yet provided no real methodology whereby the existence of the unconscious, say, could be identified to the satisfaction of a sceptic. But Freud and the unconscious were not the only examples. The very doctrine of therapeutic nihilism — that nothing could be done about the ills of society or even about the sicknesses that afflicted the human body – showed an indifference to progressivism that was the very opposite of the empirical, optimistic, scientific approach. The aesthetics of impressionism — very popular in Vienna – was part of this same divide. The essence of impressionism was defined by the Hungarian art historian Arnold Hauser as an urban art that ‘describes the changeability, the nervous rhythm, the sudden, sharp, but always ephemeral impressions of city life.’6 This concern with evanescence, the transitoriness of experience, fitted in with the therapeutic nihilistic idea that there was nothing to be done about the world, except stand aloof and watch.

Two men who grappled with this view in their different ways were the writers Arthur Schnitzler and Hugo von Hofmannsthal. They belonged to a group of young bohemians who gathered at the Café Griensteidl and were known as Jung Wien (young Vienna).7 The group also included Theodor Herzl, a brilliant reporter, an essayist, and later a leader of the Zionist movement; Stefan Zweig, a writer; and their leader, the newspaper editor Hermann Bahr. His paper, Die Zeit, was the forum for many of these talents, as was Die Fackel (The Torch), edited no less brilliantly by another writer of the group, Karl Kraus, more famous for his play The Last Days of Mankind.

The career of Arthur Schnitzler (1862–1931) shared a number of intriguing parallels with that of Freud. He too trained as a doctor and neurologist and studied neurasthenia.8 Freud was taught by Theodor Meynert, whereas Schnitzler was Meynert’s assistant. Schnitzler’s interest in what Freud called the ‘underestimated and much maligned erotic’ was so similar to his own that Freud referred to Schnitzler as his doppelgänger (double) and deliberately avoided him. But Schnitzler turned away from medicine to literature, though his writings reflected many psychoanalytic concepts. His early works explored the emptiness of café society, but it was with Lieutenant Gustl (1901) and The Road into the Open (1908) that Schnitzler really made his mark.9 Lieutenant Gustl, a sustained interior monologue, takes as its starting point an episode when ‘a vulgar civilian’ dares to touch the lieutenant’s sword in the busy cloakroom of the opera. This small gesture provokes in the lieutenant confused and involuntary ‘stream-of-consciousness’ ramblings that prefigure Proust. In Gustl, Schnitzler is still primarily a social critic, but in his references to aspects of the lieutenant’s childhood that he thought he had forgotten, he hints at psychoanalytic ideas.10 The Road into the Open explores more widely the instinctive, irrational aspects of individuals and the society in which they live. The dramatic structure of the book takes its power from an examination of the way the careers of several Jewish characters have been blocked or frustrated. Schnitzler indicts anti-Semitism, not simply for being wrong, but as the symbol of a new, illiberal culture brought about by a decadent aestheticism and by the arrival of mass society, which, together with a parliament ‘[that] has become a mere theatre through which the masses are manipulated,’ gives full rein to the instincts, and which in the novel overwhelms the ‘purposive, moral and scientific’ culture represented by many of the Jewish characters. Schnitzler’s aim is to highlight the insolubility of the ‘Jewish question’ and the dilemma between art and science.11 Each disappoints him – aestheticism ‘because it leads nowhere, science because it offers no meaning for the self’.12

Hugo von Hofmannsthal (1874–1929) went further than Schnitzler. Born into an aristocratic family, he was blessed with a father who encouraged, even expected, his son to become an aesthete. Hofmannsthal senior introduced his son to the Café Griensteidl when Hugo was quite young, so that the group around Bahr acted as a forcing house for the youth’s precocious talents. In the early part of his career, Hofmannsthal produced what has been described as ‘the most polished achievement in the history of German poetry,’ but he was never totally comfortable with the aesthetic attitude.13 Both The Death of Titian (1892) and The Fool and Death (1893), his most famous poems written before 1900, are sceptical that art can ever be the basis for society’s values.14 For Hofmannsthal, the problem is that while art may offer fulfilment for the person who creates beauty, it doesn’t necessarily do so for the mass of society who are unable to create: