Along with the interpreters, there were engineers who would use sophisticated computers to analyze the line and would determine the origin of the call and how many ears might be listening on the other end; there were psychologists who would analyze the stress in the voice of the caller and determine if he was being truthful, or sincere, or desperate, or ready to concede, or to identify any attempts by the caller to use tricks like hypnosis or autosuggestion; there were intelligence officers and engineers who would identify the caller by his voice and also try to identify any other voices or sounds in the background that might give a clue as to the caller’s real intent; and of course there were the President’s advisers, in this case several members of the National Security Council, listening in on “dead extensions” so as to not be heard or detected themselves.
When his staff indicated that everyone was ready, the President punched the line button and introduced himself …
… and no sooner had he done so than the president of Byelorussia, Pavel Borisovich Svetlov, shouted in the telephone in his native tongue. The volume was electronically toned down a bit, and the female voice of the interpreter said almost simultaneously, “Mr. President, why are you aiding these Lithuanian terrorists? Why do you have American Marines in Vilnius?”
On the left side of a computer screen on the President’s desk was the near-real-time translation and transcription of the conversation, with the staff’s comments on the other side. “He’s going to play the terrorist gambit,” one of the psychologists typed on a computer screen in front of the President. Another wrote, “Might be slightly intoxicated.” A CIA staffer wrote, “He was briefed to say ‘terrorist.’ Briefed by whom?”
“If you are referring to the action over the American Embassy, President Svetlov,” the President of the United States said, “we received permission from President Kapocius to fly our aircraft over his country several days ago. The Council of Ministers of the Commonwealth of Independent States was notified by telegram of our overflight request.” That was a slight stretch of the truth — in fact, the telegram had been sent only a few minutes before the phone conversation, along with copies to most other countries in Europe. “I am not aware of any terrorist actions in Lithuania.
“Several Commonwealth bases were attacked last night, resulting in the deaths of several hundred soldiers, most of whom were from my country,” Svetlov thundered.
A staffer immediately wrote, “Clear casualty inflation.” The interpreter went on: “We have information that bands of Lithuanian terrorist guerrillas perpetrated these raids. Is the United States a party to these terrorist activities?”
The President released the “dead man” button on the phone, which cut off the mouthpiece so he could confer in private: “Has President Kapocius made his statement on the attacks yet?”
Someone replied, “Yes.”
“When?”
“About ten minutes ago.
“He says Lithuanian troops are involved?”
“Yes.”
“And General Palcikas? Did he mention Palcikas?”
“Yes, sir. The General received a full endorsement.”
“Good.” The President pushed the dead man button: “President Svetlov, President Kapocius of Lithuania announced just ten minutes ago that he ordered Lithuanian Self-Defense Force troops to strike those bases. General Palcikas is taking his orders from President Kapocius. That is not an act of terrorism.”
It was hard enough to talk on the phone with the typical two-second delay in the overseas phone line, but when one party decides to interrupt, it makes it even worse — before the President could finish, Svetlov was talking, and the interpreter was saying, “I have been charged by the Council of Ministers of the Commonwealth of Independent States to maintain law and order in the Baltic states during the transition period specified in the Treaty of Cooperation. Your interference and your support of this terrorist insurrection threatens the peace and security of not only Lithuania, but of the Commonwealth of Independent States and of Belarus.”
Immediately, comments like “Sounds very serious” and “Prelude to something????” appeared on the screen.
“Stick with your policy, Mr. President,” George Russell, the National Security Advisor, said aloud. “We’re evacuating Americans and reinforcing the embassy against civil unrest. Everything else can be handled by the U.N.”
“Don’t put up with his shit, either, Mr. President,” Vice President Martindale inelegantly added.
The President nodded his assent to both those suggestions. “Mr. President, I will not sit here and listen to threats,” the President of the United States said to Svetlov. “You will allow our embassy-reinforcement operation and noncombatant operation to continue unimpeded. As far as the attacks on Commonwealth bases, that is best handled in the United Nations. All sides in this matter have suffered legitimate wrongs. The United States will not use military force to harm Commonwealth noncombatant forces unless our forces are fired upon first. I urge you not to respond with military force within Lithuania.”
“I will not stand by while the United States and Lithuania destroy my volunteer army and the peace that we have tried to achieve,” Svetlov huffed. “Belarus is dependent on the peace and security of the Commonwealth of Independent States for trade and necessary goods. We have an important interest in the affairs of Lithuania, and its terrorist guerrilla army—”
One CIA analyst typed, “Key phrases! Dependent on Lithuania … important interest in Lithuania … prelude to war!?”
Svetlov continued. “—and I tell you, Mr. President, my government is prepared to act if these attacks do not stop. Peace must be restored.” His voice was more agitated, his tone rising in anger. “We will use all resources to establish peace in the Baltic region. All resources. Leave Lithuania and do not interfere or your people will suffer the consequences.”
At that, the line was disconnected.
The computer immediately displayed a word-count and call-duration, followed by a stream of analysis from all those technicians listening in.
Without even reviewing the CIA and psychologists’ evaluations, Secretary of Defense Thomas Preston said, “I think he means business. I think he’s going to move against Lithuania.”
“It’s got all the elements, Mr. President,” National Security Advisor George Russell added. “He’s painted a no-way-out picture — terrorist guerrillas, peace is threatened, his country is dependent on Lithuania, his country has special interests in Lithuania — it’s all there. He can take the transcript of this conversation and go on television to explain his actions.”
“But his only authority for his military presence in Lithuania is from the Commonwealth,” the President said. “What will the Commonwealth say? What will they do …?”
“I don’t think it matters anymore, sir,” Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Wilbur Curtis said, chomping on his cigar. “He mentioned the Commonwealth once, but after that it was all Belarus. I think he’s prepared to act without the Commonwealth’s sanction.”
Heads nodded at that — everyone seemed to agree.
The President felt a deepening knot growing in the pit of his stomach. He could feel events beginning to spin out of his control — there was nothing he could do to stop Svetlov from moving against Lithuania if that’s what he was going to do. “All right,” he said, collecting his thoughts. “What will he do? Where will he move first?”