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The removal of Faleiro opened the way for Cartagena, the inspector general, to take his place. From Fonseca’s point of view, the promotion contained a certain numerical logic because the expedition would now have one Spanish and one Portuguese leader, but Magellan did not view matters that way. He considered himself the sole Captain General, and Cartagena simply the inspector general, not a co-admiral. Archbishop Fonseca clearly had another idea, for he appointed Cartagena as Faleiro’s replacement, specifying that he was “persona conjunta.” The exact meaning of this title was subject to varying interpretations, but at the minimum it meant that Magellan was supposed to consult with Cartagena in all matters. At the maximum, it meant that the two were co-commanders, with Cartagena, as inspector general, having a slight edge in his capacity as Magellan’s official supervisor.

Although he had no experience at sea, Juan de Cartagena found himself leading one of the largest maritime expeditions mounted by Spain. This bizarre situation had much to do with his relationship with the man who appointed him, Archbishop Fonseca. Cartagena was considered Fonseca’s nephew, but as everyone realized, that term was a euphemism: In reality, Cartagena was Fonseca’s illegitimate son. Nor was he the only example of this peculiar brand of nepotism. The fleet’s accountant, Antonio de Coca, was the “nephew” of Fonseca’s brother. Not only that, but Fonseca appointed two close “friends” and “servants” of his as captains of two of the ships; these were Luis de Mendoza, who assumed command of Victoria, and Gaspar de Quesada, of Concepción. Not surprisingly, all three captains appointed by Fonseca—Cartagena, Quesada, and Mendoza—despised and looked down on Magellan from the moment they came on board.

Here, at last, was Fonseca’s revenge on Magellan. No matter what the contract said, Fonseca had managed to stifle Magellan’s authority, and, potentially, his share of the proceeds of the expedition, by appointing his natural son and his close allies to virtually all the important positions in the armada. Collectively, they, and not Magellan, would have the final say over the disposition of the fleet and its finances. They, and not Magellan, would decide the allocation of personnel and resources. Magellan still held the rank of Captain General, it was true, but it was reduced in power; from Fonseca’s point of view, Magellan served at the pleasure of his Castilian captains, rather than the other way around. The arrangement made it impossible for Magellan and his captains to make decisions in the best of circumstances, even if they felt goodwill toward one another. And if they lacked mutual trust and respect, which was far more likely to be the case, it set the stage for endless challenges to Magellan’s authority, in other words, for mutiny.

Not content with the removal of Faleiro, the archbishop turned his malign attention to Juan de Aranda, who had first introduced Magellan to the Castilian court. Fonseca launched an investigation in Juan de Aranda’s business arrangements with Magellan and Faleiro; all three were interrogated separately. Under oath, Magellan described the fees Aranda had received for the services he rendered to the explorers, and the signed agreement to distribute a portion of the proceeds to Aranda. On June 15, 1519, Aranda himself went before the Supreme Council of the Indies, and by all accounts acquitted himself well. He had served the interests of the Spanish crown in his dealings with Magellan and Faleiro, and as for his personal stake in the expedition, it was the custom of the era.

Despite these favorable indications, the Supreme Council censured Aranda for his actions, declaring that he had committed a criminal act by receiving money from Magellan; the judgment was signed by the council’s president, who just happened to be Fonseca. Two weeks later, the Spanish crown took up the council’s charges against Aranda and removed him from any further involvement with the expedition. He was, in short, disgraced. Fonseca could have tarred Magellan and Faleiro with the same brush, but they were not the targets of the inquiry, which concluded that these men were innocent of scandal. With the purge of the unstable Faleiro and now the acquisitive Aranda, Magellan could only have felt a sense of relief mingled with fear of what the all-powerful Fonseca might do next to the Armada de Molucca.

As the date of departure approached, Magellan turned his attention to the complicated and hugely expensive matter of provisioning the ships. During the long months of preparation, Magellan’s five ships were tied up at a dock known as the Puerto de las Muelas, because it was paved with millstones. It was here, at Millstone Dock, that the ships took on all the sailing gear, arms, provisions, and furnishings that they would bring on the voyage. It was the only dock where wine, an essential part of the sailors’ diet, was permitted to be loaded. The dock, and the area around it, throbbed with activity, the waters constantly stirred by small craft coming and going, the streets packed with carts bearing supplies, all of them checked by customs inspectors who made certain that the merchants paid their tariffs—and their payoffs—to the proper authorities.

Magellan approached the task of provisioning with as much attention to detail as he did the outfitting of the ships, and with good reason. The food represented a considerable investment: 1,252,909 maravedís, nearly as much as the cost of the entire fleet, and that figure covered just enough food to see them through the first leg or two of the voyage. It was expected that the sailors would be looking for additional food at almost every port, and in the ocean itself.

Of the food that Magellan took on at Seville, nearly four-fifths consisted of just two items, wine and hardtack. Wine was considered the most important; it was tax free, and an official was required to come aboard and make certain it had not soured or become contaminated. The wine was stored in casks, which were carefully maintained, and in pipes sealed with a cork and with pitch. These were meticulously stowed on board the ships according to a plan designed to maximize the use of the limited space below deck.

Hardtack, the other staple of the sailor’s execrable diet, consisted of coarse wheat flour, including the husk, kneaded with hot water (never cold), and cooked twice. The result, a tough, brittle biscuit known as biscocho, was stored for up to a month before it was sold. Inevitably, the hardtack degraded in the humid conditions at sea, and when it became soft, and rotten, and inedible, it was called mazamorra; the sailors boiled the stuff until it turned into a mush known as calandra, said to be so vile that even starving sailors refused it.

The ships also held flour stored in wooden barrels, to be kneaded with seawater and then grilled as a kind of tortilla, as well as meat, usually pork, bacon, ham, and especially salted beef. And some meat came on the hoof. The fleet carried seven cows and three pigs; they were slaughtered just before or just after departure; otherwise, they would have eaten their way through a considerable amount of valuable food. Their presence turned the ship into a floating barn, with an odor to match. Barrels of cheese, almonds in the shell, mustard, and casks of figs were also loaded on board the ships. As unlikely as it sounds, Magellan’s fleet carried fish—sardines, cod, anchovies, and tuna—all of it dried and salted. In expectation of catching fresh fish along their route, the ships’ holds included a generous amount of fishing line and a plentiful supply of hooks. There was little in the way of fresh vegetables; instead, the sailors consumed chickpeas, beans, rice, garlic, almonds, lentils. All fruit was preserved. Raisins, a particular favorite of the sailors, came in two varieties, “sun raisins,” dried in the open air, and “lye raisins,” boiled in a mild lye solution. Magellan also carried with him jelly and jam preserves, including a cider jam known as “diacitron.” The officers brought with them a delicacy in the form of preserved quince, carne de membrillo, a jam made from the small, hard, applelike fruit. As the voyage wore on, quince jelly would play a crucial role in the lives of the sailors, and Magellan’s as well.