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49. James A. Zabel, Nazism and the Pastors. Missoula, Mont.,: Scholars Press Dissertations Series 14, 1976, p. 1.

50. See Geoffrey Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute. London and New York: Oxford University Press, 1991.

51. C. G. Jung, "Epilogue to 'Essays on Contemporary Events,'" CW 10, p. 236.

52. Aniela Jaffé, "C. G. Jung and National Socialism," in her Jung's Last Years and Other Essays. Dallas, Tex.: Spring Publications, 1984.

53. Laurens van der Post, Jung and the Story of Our Time. New York: Random House, 1975, pp. 195–96.

54. C. G. Jung, "The State of Psychotherapy Today," CW 10, p. 165. Orig. pub. 1934.

55. Ibid.

56. Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf. Trans. by Ralph Manheim. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1943, 1971, p. 301.

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57. See Samuels, Political Psyche, especially chapters 12 and 13, for further discussion and documentation, especially regarding articles that appeared under Jung's general editorship of the Zentralblatt für Psychotherapie in the 1930s, and the extent to which his editorship was more than nominal. We cannot here undertake a full analysis of the situation, and Samuels's treatment is highly recommended. In the end, and I think Samuels would agree, the situation remains profoundly and puzzlingly ambiguous. However much evidence is piled up to support one side of the debate over Jung's conscious complicity with Nazism, there always appears to be about as much that can be adduced on behalf the other, and the mystery remains. Samuels believes that one reason for Jung's sometimes twisting path was simply a desire to maintain his own presidency and leadership in the psychotherapeutic movement, for both personal and well­meaning reasons; he was often willing to make what political moves were necessary to that end.

58. Gerhard Adler, ed., C. G. Jung Letters, I: 1906–1950, pp. 164–65.

59. In a 1933 editorial in the Zentralblatt of the society, published in Leipzig, Jung went on to say at this incendiary moment, "the differences which actually do exist between Germanic and Jewish psychologies and which have long been known to every intelligent person are no longer to be glossed over, and this can be only be beneficial to science . . . at the same time I should like to state expressly that this implies no depreciation of Semitic psychology, any more than it is a depreciation of the Chinese to speak of the peculiar psychology of the Oriental." Zentralblatt für Psychotherapie und ihre Grenzgebiete VI:3, Dec. 1933. CW 10, pp. 533–34.

60. Adler, ed., C. G. Jung Letters I, p. 224.

61. Richard Stein, "Jung's 'Mana Personality' and the Nazi Era," in Aryeh Maidenbaum and Stephen A. Martin, Lingering Shadows: Jungians, Freudians, and Anti­Semitism. Boston: Shambhala, 1991, pp. 89–116.

62. See, for example, "After the Catastrophe," CW 10, pp. 194–217. Orig. pub. 1945.

63. See the chapter, "National Socialism: 'Yes, I Slipped Up,'" in Gerhard Wehr, Jung: A Biography. Trans. David M. Weeks. Boston: Shambhala, 1987, pp. 304–

30. The phrase, "Yes, I slipped up," concerning Jung's initial failure to recognize the Nazis for the evil force they were, was allegedly said by Jung to the former concentration camp inmate Rabbi Leo Baeck, during a long conversation after the war, following which the two men were reconciled.

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Wehr, 325–26, based on an account given by Gershom Scholem to Aniela Jaffé.

64. Frank McLynn, Carl Gustav Jung: A Biography. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996, p. 367.

65. Laurens van der Post, Jung and the Story of Our Time, p. 194.

66. Adler, ed., C. G. Jung Letters I, p. 276.

67. Ibid., p. 282.

68. C. G. Jung, "The Undiscovered Self," CW 10, p. 278. Orig. pub. 1957.

69. Hans Schaer, Religion and the Cure of Souls. New York: Pantheon, 1950, p. 121.

70. Homas, Jung in Context, pp. 185–86.

71. "Answers to Questions from the Rev. David Cox," CW 18. Orig. text 1957.

72. McLynn, Jung, p. 528.

73. Voegelin, Science, Politics and Gnosticism, p. 12.

74. "Conscious, Unconscious, and Individuation," in The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious, CW 9, p. 288. Orig. pub. 1939.

75. C. G. Jung, "Symbols and the Interpretation of Dreams," CW 18. Orig. pub. 1961.

76. Volodymyr Walter Odajnyk, Jung and Politics: The Political and Social Ideas of C. G. Jung. New York: Harper and Row, 1976, p. 182.

77. "The Swiss Line in the European Spectrum," CW 10, pp. 579–88. Orig. pub. 1928. Jung wrote: "Does neutral Switzerland, with its backward, earthy nature, fulfill any meaningful function in the European system? I think we must answer this question affirmatively. The answer to political and cultural questions need not be only: Progress and Change, but also: Stand still! Hold fast! These days one can doubt in good faith whether the condition of Europe shows any change for the good since the war" (p. 587).

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78. C. G. Jung, "After the Catastrophe," CW 10, p. 196. Orig. pub. 1945.

79. Alan Morris Schom, Survey of Nazi and Pro­Nazi Groups in Switzerland 1930–1945. Los Angeles: Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1998.

80. Alan Morris Schom, The Unwanted Guests: Swiss Forced Labor Camps 1940–1944. Los Angeles: Simon Wiesenthal Center, 1998. It should be pointed out that Swiss officials have disputed some of these contentions of both these reports, and that Rabbi Marvin Hier, Dean and Founder of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, states in his Preface to The Unwanted Guests that "It is not the purpose of this report to condemn the entire Swiss people during World War II," and goes on to indicate that there were "many Swiss people from all segments of society—nurses, businessmen, members of the clergy and ordinary people—who showed great courage and humanity toward their fellow men during those difficult years."

81. Ann Brenoff, "Alan Morris Schom: Ferreting Out Switzerland's True Relationship With Nazi Germany." Los Angeles Times, August 23, 1998, p. M3.

82. McLynn, Jung, p. 1.

83. Samuels, Political Psyche, p. 287.

84. Ibid., p. 313.

85. Ibid., p. 325.

86. See Homans, Jung in Context, p. 199.

Chapter 3—

Mircea Eliade and Nostalgia for the Sacred

1. Apart from some articles directed against the communist regime in his homeland, which appeared up to 1954 in Romanian émigré periodicals.

2. Vol. 1: 1907–1937, Journey East, Journey West, San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1981; vol. 2: 1937–1960, Exile's Odyssey, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.

3. Mircea Eliade, Journals. All University of Chicago Press, vol. 1: 1945–1955, 1990; 2: 1957–1969, 1989; 3: 1970–1978, 1989; 1979–1985, 1989.

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4. Mac Linscott Ricketts, Mircea Eliade: The Romanian Roots, 1907–1945. 2 vols. Boulder, Colo. East European Monographs, 1988. Distributed by Columbia University Press, New York.

5. See the discussion in Bryan S. Rennie, Reconstructing Eliade. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996, chapter 13, "Eliade's Political Involvement."

This chapter contains summaries and critiques of Ivan Strenski, Four Theories of Myth in Twentiety­Century History, London: Macmillan, 1989; Adriana Berger, several articles, especially "Fascism and Religion in Romania," The Annals of Scholarship 6, no. 4 (1989), pp. 45–65 and "Mircea Eliade: Romanian Fascism and the History of Religions in the United States," in Tainted Greatness: Antisemitism and Cultural Heroes, ed. Nancy A. Harrowitz, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994; Leon Volovici, Nationalist Ideology and Antisemitism: The Case of Romanian Intellectuals in the Thirties. New York: Pergamon Press, 1991;