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So often did he call on Cagliostro's luxurious, indebted establishment that, according to legend, one of Potemkin's highborn Russian mistresses decided to bribe the adventuress to give him up. In one of those poignant, almost respectful meetings between noblewoman and courtesan, the former paid Serafina 30,000 roubles, quite a sum, to leave. Potemkin was flattered. He told Cagliostro's girl that she could stay, let her keep the money - and paid back the full amount to the noblewoman. Some silly legends32 claim that the 'noblewoman' was the Empress herself.

Debts and truth had a way of catching up with such characters, even in that louche century. Soon afterwards, the Spanish Ambassador complained that Cagliostro was neither grandee of Spain nor colonel. Catherine cheerfully told Grimm that the sorcerer and his 'Countess' had been thrown out of Russia.*

When Panin summoned Harris in early February 1780 to read him a rejection of the British proposals for an alliance, Sir James rushed over to Potemkin to learn the reasons. Potemkin clearly (for once) stated that Catherine's fear of 'embarking on a fresh war was stronger even than her thirst for glory'. Harris did not seem to hear. Potemkin explained that the new favourite, Lanskoy, was desperately ill, which had 'unhinged' the Empress. Sir James believed him when he claimed: 'My influence is temporarily suspended.' Harris criti­cized these 'timid resolutions', at which 'The Prince caught fire' and boasted that before he slept he 'would have a trial of skill whether there was in the empire any influence more powerful than his'. Harris was most encouraged, but typically Potemkin became ill and did not receive him again for weeks.

Serenissimus then confided in the credulous Englishman that the Empress was an over-cautious woman capable of feminine hysteria about her mignons. Potemkin himself alternated between expressions of political impotence and explosions of bombast. He attacked Panin, that 'indolent and torpid min­ister' - while himself lying in bed in the middle of the day. Harris was almost bewitched by Potemkin's friendship, flamboyance and apparent honesty.33

In February 1780, Serenissimus summoned Harris to announce, 'with an impetuous joy analogous to his character', the despatch of an armament of fifteen ships-of-the-line and five frigates 'to protect Russian trade'. But Pot­emkin must have known that this was a fatal blow to Harris's entire mission.34 It was the sequel to Catherine's successful mediation in the War of the Bavarian Succession. Britain claimed the right to detain neutral ships and condemn their cargo, but had made the mistake of detaining Russian ships. This maritime highhandedness angered neutrals, including Russia. In March 1780, Catherine therefore declared the principles of neutral rights at sea in her so-called 'Armed Neutrality', designed to puncture British arrogance, increase the Russian merchant navy and raise her prestige. Harris would have to offer more to get Russian attention.

Sir James wondered if Potemkin had been bribed by France or Prussia. At the

* After Petersburg, Cagliostro toured Europe, causing a sensation everywhere, more like a pop star than a magus, but in Paris he became involved, through his patron the Cardinal de Rohan, in the Diamond Necklace Affair, the sting which so damaged Marie-Antoinette. Napoleon named it as one of the causes of the French Revolution. Cagliostro was actually found innocent in the trial that Marie-Antoinette so foolishly demanded and Louis XVI so rashly allowed, but he was ruined. He died a prisoner in 1795 in the Italian Papal fortress of San Leone.

same time, the French and Prussians suddenly thought Potemkin had been bribed by the English. This venal paranoia unleashed an orgy of bribery which must have seemed like manna from heaven to the greedy servants of Petersburg who were its main beneficiaries.

Harris was sure Corberon had bribed all the 'valets de chambre and inferior agents in the Russian houses ... being chiefly French'. Versailles was indeed determined to keep Russia out of the war and it was willing to throw money around St Petersburg to fix it - the French even boasted they had enough to buy Potemkin.35 'I almost suspect my friend's fidelity has been shaken,' Harris confided to Viscount Stormont, Secretary of State for the North. Corberon was already telling Versailles that Harris disposed of a credit of £3 6,000 and had paid 100,000 roubles to Potemkin. Orlov-Chesmensky accused the Prince of receiving 150,000 British guineas. Harris thought France was paying £4,000/5,000 to Panin's family.

At the end of March 1780, Harris could contain himself no longer. If the French were bribing 'my friend', then Britain should outbid them with a 'similar bait'. The bribe market in St Petersburg now boomed like a bourse. Reminding Stormont that he was dealing with a 'person immensely wealthy', Harris sug­gested 'as much as Torcy proposed, but without success, to Marlborough'.36 Even the paymaster of Europe must have gulped.* The Prussians and Austrians were also paying court to Potemkin. Harris observed the Prussian envoy in daily conferences with Potemkin and heard he was again offering Courland or 'to insure him in the case of the Empress's demise for his person, honours and property' - that is, in the event of Paul's succession. The Austrians on the other hand were rumoured to be offering him another principality.37

Was Potemkin being bribed or not? The elephantine sums of 100,000 roubles or 150,000 guineas were mentioned in late 1779, but research into 'the Secret Service Funds' shows that, by November, Harris had drawn only £1,450 and was later told off for spending £3,000. Even put together, this might have pleased Sashenka Engelhardt, but was not even table money for the Prince himself. Harris's doubts 'disappeared' - he realized that Potemkin's 'immense fortune places him above the reach of corruption'. Rich men can often be bribed with a little bit more, but Harris was probably right when he said that Potemkin could 'only be attained by strict attention to his humour and character'. This was emphasized when Catherine gave her friend £40,000 sterling, according to Harris, to thank him for his help on the Armed Neu­trality. It was a huge sum, but 'so spoilt is this singular man that he scarcely considers it worth thanks'. The Prussian Goertz agreed that Potemkin was unbribable: 'riches can do nothing - his are immense'.

Panin put all these figures into context when he disdainfully asked, 'Do you really believe that £50,000 sterling is enough to buy Prince Potemkin?'

When Potemkin heard the rumour that Harris had given him two million roubles, he despised the very idea. The Englishman was convinced of Pot­emkin's nobility. Serenissimus was too proud and too rich to be bribed.38

Potemkin's tactics were telling on Panin. Both believed the other was receiving bribes. This led to a tumultuous confrontation at the Council when Potemkin accused Panin of accepting French money or, as he put it, 'the portraits of Louis XVI' are excellent to 'bet at whist'. Panin exploded that if he needed them, guineas were easier to get. Presumably Panin believed Pot­emkin was getting more than that laughable £50,000. The Empress was called to restore the peace.39

Harris decided to find out if Serenissimus really supported an English alliance, so he bribed 'the favourite secretary of Prince Potemkin ... also the secretary to the Empress'. This was probably Alexander Bezborodko, who was becoming Catherine's leading factotum in foreign affairs as Panin dwindled. Stormont agreed on the offer of £500, though he added that it was rather a lot. When it came to it, Harris was fleeced of nearer £3,000, though he did get closer to the reality of Potemkin's policy. Bezborodko revealed that the monarchs of Europe, from Frederick to Joseph, were bombarding Potemkin with offers of thrones and money. No offer swayed him. He was not really zealous in the English cause, except when roused by rivalry with Panin. The 'spy' added that Potemkin lived by the 'impulse of the moment' and was quite capable of 'adopting the political principles of every country' but was keenest at that moment on Austria. There, at last, was the truth.40