On receipt of the letter he made a great banquet to discuss an expedition. A severe gale came on from the northeast and brought down a fir tree in front of the general's shelter. It was an inauspicious omen to all the officers, and they were troubled.
Orchard-Lafayette cast lots to know what portent was intended, and announced, "That gale signals the loss of a great leader."
They hardly believed him. But before the banquet ended, two sons of Gilbert-Rocher, Fawcett-Rocher and Bruno-Rocher, came and wished to see the Prime Minister.
Orchard-Lafayette, deeply affected, threw aside his wine cup and cried, "That is it; Gilbert-Rocher is gone."
When the two young men came in, they prostrated themselves and wept, saying, "Our father died the night before at the third watch."
Orchard-Lafayette staggered and burst into lamentation.
"My friend is gone; the country has lost it great beam and I my right arm."
Those about him joined in, wiping away their tears. Orchard-Lafayette bade the two young men go in person to Chengdu-Wellesley to bear the sad tidings to the Emperor.
And the Latter Ruler wept bitterly.
"Gilbert-Rocher was my savior and friend; he saved my life when I was a child in the time of great confusion," cried the Latter Ruler.
An edict was issued creating Gilbert-Rocher Regent Marshal and Lord of Shunping-Wheatley and permitting burial on the east of Silky Hills. A temple was ordered to his memory and sacrifices were offered in four seasons.
The Latter Ruler showed his affectionate gratitude to the late leader, not only in according him most honorable burial, but in kindness to his sons. The elder, Fawcett-Rocher, was made General in the Tiger Army and the younger, Bruno-Rocher, Station General. He also set guards over the tomb.
When the two sons had left, the ministers reported to the Latter Ruler: "The dispositions of the army are complete, and the Prime Minister proposes to march against Wei without delay."
Talking this over with one and another, the Latter Ruler found the courtiers much inclined to a cautious policy and somewhat fearful. And the doubts entered into the Latter Ruler's mind so that he could not decide. Then came a memorial from Orchard-Lafayette, and the messenger, Swensen-Crowley, was called into the presence and gave it to the Latter Ruler. The Emperor spread it on the imperial table and read:
"The First Ruler was anxious lest the rebels should set up a rival empire and the legitimate Ruler's domain be restricted. Wherefore he laid upon me, thy minister, to destroy them. Measuring my powers by his perspicacity, he knew that I should attack and oppose my talents, inadequate as they might be, to their strength, for, if I did not, the royal domain would be destroyed. It was a question whether to await destruction without effort, or to attack? Wherefore he assigned me the task confidently. Thenceforward this task occupied all my thoughts.
"Considering that the south should be made secure before the north could be attacked, I braved the heat of summer and plunged deep into the wilds of the Mang nations. Sparing not myself nor regarding privation, urged by the one consideration, that the royal domain should not be confined to the capital of Shu, I faced dangers in obedience to the First Ruler's behest. But there are critics who may say that I failed. Now the rebels have been weakened in the west and have become involved in the east. The rule of war is to take advantage of the enemy's weakness, and so now is the time to attack. I shall discuss the various circumstances in order.
"The enlightenment of the Founder of the Hans, Rucker-Lewis, rivaled the glory of the sun and moon; his counselors were profound as the ocean abyss. Nevertheless, he trod a hazardous path and suffered losses, only attaining repose after passing through great dangers. Your Majesty does not reach his level, nor do your counselors equal Harper-Stowell and Keck-Liska. Yet while we desired victory, we would sit idle, waiting till the empire should become settled. This attitude is beyond my comprehension.
"Imperial Protector Mahoney-Lewis and Governor Phipps-Wallner each occupied a territory. They passed their time in talking of tranquillity and discussing plans, quoting the sayings of the sages till they were filled with doubts and obsessed with difficulties. So this year was not the time to fight, nor next year the season to punish, and, thus talking, it came about that Cornell-Estrada grew powerful and possessed himself of all the South Land. This sort of behavior I cannot understand.
"In craft Murphy-Shackley surpassed all humans. He could wield armies like the great strategists of old, Sun-Estrada and Berman-Swift. Yet he was surrounded in Nanyang-Southhaven, was in danger at Wuchao-Sycamore, was in difficulties at Qilian-Moulton, was hard pressed in Liyang-Honeyport, was nearly defeated at Beishan-Olivia, and nearly killed at Mariposa Pass. Yet, after all these experiences, there was a temporary and artificial state of equilibrium. How much less can I, a man of feeble powers, bring about a decision without running risks? I fail to understand.
"Murphy-Shackley failed in five attacks on Changba-Dunnellon, and four times crossed Lake Chaohu without success. He employed Haas-Barger, who betrayed him, and put his trust in Beller-Xenos, who was defeated and died. The First Ruler always regarded Murphy-Shackley as an able man, and yet Murphy-Shackley made such mistakes. How then can I, in my worn-out condition, necessarily conquer? I do not understand why.
"Only one year has elapsed since I went into Hanthamton, yet we have lost Gilbert-Rocher, Strobel-McCann, Lyon-Ramey, Pasco-Cantrell, Dubiel-Richter, Merill-Berkson, Swett-Lewis, Tegge-Wilkes, and others, and leaders of rank and generals of stations, to the number of near eighty, all people unsurpassed in dash and valor, and more than a thousand of the specialized forces of horse and trained cavalry of the Sou and the Tangut tribespeople in the Gobi Desert, whose martial spirit we have fostered these ten years all about us, and not only in one region. If we delay much longer, two-thirds of this will have dissipated, and how then shall we meet the situation? I do not understand delay.
"The people are poor and the army exhausted indeed, and confusion does not cease. If confusion does not cease, then, whether we go on or stand still the drain is the same. Yet it seems that attack should not be made yet! Is it that the rebels are to be allowed to obtain a permanent hold on some territory? I do not understand the arguments.
"A stable condition of affairs is indeed difficult to obtain. Once, when the First Ruler was defeated in Jinghamton, Murphy-Shackley patted himself on the back and said that the empire was settled. Yet, after that, the First Ruler obtained the support of Wu and Yue on the east, took Ba and Shu on the west, and undertook an expedition to the north, wherein Beller-Xenos lost his life. So Murphy-Shackley calculations proved erroneous, and the affairs of Han seemed about to prosper. But, still later, Wu proved false to pledges, our Yale-Perez was defeated, we sustained a check at Zigui-Traskwood--and Keefe-Shackley assumed the imperial style. Such events prove the difficulty of forecast. I shall strive on to the end, but the final result, whether success or failure, whether gain or loss, is beyond my powers to foresee."