32. Portugalov and Dlugach, Dachi, 166.
33. TsGAMO, f. 2591, op. 3, d. 1, l. 339
34. K. N., “Po dacham,” VM, 7 May 1925, 2. Moscow’s municipalized stock was reported to comprise 3,000 dachas in 1927, but more than half of them were occupied by permanent residents: see M. K., “Dachi,” ZhT-ZhS, no. 16 (1927), 12–13. Leningrad was similar: as many as 40% of houses in its satellite towns (such as Detskoe Selo, Slutsk, and Ligovo) were taken up by commuters: see Mikhail [sic], “O derevne, prigorodakh i okrainakh,” Zhilishchnoe delo, no. 13 (1925), 8
35. TsGAMO, f. 2591, op. 3, l. 346. The encouragement of private reconstruction in dacha areas is signaled in A. Sheinis, “Stroit’ li zanovo ili dostraivat’ i vosstanavlivat’?” Zhilishchnoe stroitel’stvo, no. 4 (1922), 15.
36. LOGAV, f. R-3736, op. 1, d. 16; f. R-3758, op. 1, d. 117.
37. U. Pope-Hennessy, Leningrad: The Closed and Forbidden City (London, 1938), 40.
38. LOGAV, f. R-2907, op. 1, d. 47, l. 2. It seems, however, that the municipalized housing stock was not always managed with great efficiency: the OMKh produced a list of seventy-two unused municipalized buildings in Slutsk (formerly Gatchina) as of 1 Oct. 1928 (ibid., ll. 71–72).
39. “Rasshirenie dachnogo stroitel’stva,” VM, 27 Apr. 1925, 2. It is unlikely, however, that many of the dachas built on this scheme were used as summer houses (as opposed to year-round residences).
40. Reports on English garden cities and on other Western European models of deurbanization appeared quite regularly in the press: see, e.g., “Goroda-sady,” Zhilishchnoe tovarishchestvo, no. 6 (1922), 29; V. Flerov, “Tipy rabochikh poselkov,” Zhilishchnoe delo, no. 4 (1924), 18–21; S. Chaplygin, “Poselok-sad,” ZhT-ZhS, no. 1 (1927), 9; S. Lebedev, “Letnii otdykh v Germanii,” ZhT-ZhS, no. 22 (1927), 16–17.
41. A good short account of the Sokol settlement is M. V. Nashchokina, “Poselok ‘Sokol’—gorod-sad 1920-kh godov,” Arkhitektura i stroitel’stvo Rossii, no. 12 (1994), 2–7. Sokol was a high-prestige project that espoused the “modern” values of comfort and convenience rather than any socialist collectivism. By January 1924 the cooperative already had 250 members, drawn mainly from the intelligentsia.
42. In 1928 there was even a move to transfer part of the Leningrad dacha trust’s holdings to cooperatives (LOGAV, f. R-2907, op. 1, d. 47, l. 49).
43. See “Perenosnaia dacha,” VM, 5 May 1925, 2, and “Razbornye dachi,” VM, 10 May 1927, 2.
44. V.S. Plotnikov, Deshevoe dachnoe stroitel’stvo (Moscow, 1930), chap. 2. The 1920s press, similarly, reported that dacha cooperatives were slow to develop: see Andr., “O dache, pochkakh i kooperatsii,” VM, 15 May 1926, 2.
45. VM, 31 Mar. 1932, 2.
46. LOGAV, f. R-3758, op. 1, d. 132.
47. See “Appetity dachevladel’tsev,” VM, 2 Apr. 1926, 2.
48. The distinction between “dacha settlements” and “rural settlements” had real administrative significance: inhabitants of dacha settlements were automatically granted Moscow registration (propiska), while in rural settlements this right was extended only to temporary residents (i.e., dachniki). See the resolution of the Moscow uezd ispolkom of 23 Apr. 1928, published in Zhilishchnoe zakonodatel’stvo: Spravochnik postanovlenii i rasporiazhenii tsentral’noi i mestnoi vlasti s prilozheniem sudebnoi praktiki za 1928 god (Moscow, 1929), 388–89.
49. Dachi i okrestnosti Moskvy: Putevoditel’ (Moscow, 1928).
50. For an account that argues that prerevolutionary habits were preserved “in a truncated form” in 1920s Leningrad, see “‘ . . . I kazhdyi vecher za shlagbaumami . . .,’” interview with E. E. Friken by Tat’iana Vol’skaia, Nevskoe vremia, 10 Aug. 1996. Similar is V. Pozdniakov, “Petrograd glazami rebenka,” Neva, no. 2 (1994), 285, 288. This view of the social composition of the dacha public of the 1920s is also shared by N. B. Lebina in her Povsedtievnaia zhizn’ sovetskogo goroda, 251–52 (Lebina cites several other memoir sources).
51. V. Shefner, “Barkhatnyi put’: Letopis’ vpechatlenii,” Zvezda, no. 4 (1995), 26.
52. Thus a 1935 collection of “dacha” designs included only houses that were equipped for year-round habitation: see G. Liudvig, ed., Rekomendovannye proekty: Al’bom dach (Moscow, 1935). Note also G.M. Sudeikin, Al’bom proektov zimnikh dach . . . (Moscow, 1928). Here the author acknowledges the difficulty of establishing a precise classification of types of dwelling: “The designs do not give the buildings names such as izba, worker’s house, dacha, and so on . . . because several names apply to a single design, and this can cause confusion for the nonspecialist reader” (v). A handbook of the following decade divides dachas into four categories: zimnii, poluzimnii, letnii, and palatochnyi (“winter,” “semiwinter,” “summer,” and “camping”): see G.M. Bobov, Arkhitektura i stroitel’stvo dach (Moscow, 1939).
53. E. Pasternak, Boris Pasternak: The Tragic Years, 1930–60 (London, 1990), 25–26.
54. T. Ivanova, Moi sovremenniki, kakimi ia ikh znala: Ocherki (Moscow, 1984), 30.
55. A. S. Livshits and К. V. Avilova, “Serebrianyi bor,” in Severo-zapadnyi okrug Moskvy (Moscow, 1997), 233–34. It was in Serebrianyi Bor that the sixteen-year-old Anna Larina was courted by Nikolai Bukharin in 1930: see Larina, This I Cannot Forget (London, 1993). Larina was the stepdaughter of Iurii Larin, a leading Bolshevik intellectual close to Lenin’s inner circle.
56. See the inventory in TsGAMO, f. 182, op. 1, d. 8, ll. 238–42.
57. Details of correspondence with the Communal Bank and Sovnarkom are drawn from RGASPI, f. 124, op. 3, d. 368.
58. E. Bonner, Dochki-materi (Moscow, 1994), 50–54.
59. Ibid., 60–63, 80–81. Memoir material suggests that Bonner’s experiences were quite typical of the Old Bolshevik milieu. Nina Kosterina (b. 1921), daughter of two members of a Civil War partisan unit, spent much of her childhood in government institutions and Young Pioneer camps; in the summer of 1937 she was farmed out to relatives in a village near Tuchkovo, on the Moscow River. See The Diary of Nina Kosterina, trans. M. Ginsburg (London, 1972). The diary was first published, to great acclaim, in Novyi mir in December 1962. Kosterina was killed in action in December 1941. The most famous absent parents of the 1920s were Joseph Stalin and Nadezhda Allilueva, who would commonly spend the summer in Sochi while their children lived at their dacha, mostly in Zubalovo, an estate formerly owned by prominent industrialists (the Zubalovs) that was turned into an enclave for the Party elite in 1919. See S. Allilueva, Dvadtsat’ pisem k drugu (London, 1967).