The campaigns themselves are described elsewhere in this volume.237 By summer 3 3 Octavian was back in Rome, sporting the eagles which Gabinius had lost in 48 and the defeated Delmatae had now returned.238 The achievements were modest but real, and Illyricum had certainly served its purpose: Octavian had secured his excuse for keeping his soldiers in arms, the men had been battle-hardened, and Octavian himself looked far more soldierly at the end than at the beginning. Why, he had even contrived to be wounded, though not always very satisfactorily: at Setovia, for instance, he was struck by a stone on the knee. And he might seem something of a disciplinarian as well. On one occasion he had gone so far as to order a decimation of his own troops.239 During his brief winter stays at Rome Octavian could inveigh against Antony, and contrast his own energy with Antony's sloth.240 Now
This is disputed, and is connected with the difficult question of Pollio's own political position during those years. For different views cf. Syme 1937 (d 67); Bosworth 1972 (c 34); and Woodman 1983 (в 203) on Veil. Pat. 11.78.2.
App. BCiv. v.80.538; Veil. Pat. 11.78.2; it is possible, but not perhaps very likely, that Octavian's army and Pollio's were one and the same (cf. Bosworth 1972 (c 34) 466-7; Woodman 1983 (в 203) on Veil. Pat. 11.78.2). App. BCiv. v.75.320 records an expedition sent by Antony against the Parthini in late 39; that campaign, pace Bosworth 1972 (c 34) 466, is much more likely to be identical with Pollio's. 237 See below, pp. 172—j, J49—JO.
App. ///. 28.82; RG 29.1. On the date of Octavian's return cf. Schmitthenner 1958 (c 304) 215-16.
Decimation was in fact rather in fashion: instances had been ordered by Caesar in 49 (Dio xli.3;.5, if that can be trusted), Domitius Calvinus in 39 (Dio XLViit.42.2), and Antony in 36 (Plut. Ant. 39 9, Dio xlix.27.1). But in each of those cases the punishment was rather more clearly deserved than on this occasion. 240 Cf. Plut. Ant. 55.1, App. 111. 16.46.
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35-33 в с.
people might actually believe him. And in Rome itself celebration could be marked in other ways. It might be by triumphs. Admittedly, in 34 the Antonian Sosius celebrated his triumph over Judaea, possibly the most brilliant of them all - and celebrated it on, of all days, 3 September, the anniversary of Naulochus, when men's thoughts should have been with Octavian. For this to be allowed, Antony must still have had his influential friends. But at least Octavian's men could outdo Antony in numbers of triumphs: in 36 Domitius Calvinus over Spain, in 34 Statilius Taurus over Africa and Norbanus Flaccus over Spain, in 33 Marcius Philippus and Claudius Pulcher over Spain and L. Cornificius over Africa.[134] And in the Roman way triumph led to buildings ex manubiis, from the spoils of conquest. In the late thirties Domitius Calvinus was rebuilding the Regia, while in the Campus Martius Statilius Taurus was building a stone amphitheatre and Marcius Philippus restoring a temple of Hercules Musarum; on the Aventine Cornificius was rebuilding the temple of Diana. And it was not just the triumphators: Paullus Aemilius, apparently Octavian's partisan, completed and dedicated his Basilica in 34. Antony's followers responded. Domitius Ahenobarbus too built a temple of Neptune; Sosius planned a splendid temple to Apollo in the Circus, vainly hoping to impugn Octavian's exclusive claim on the god; but on their own they could hardly compete with Octavian's men. And though Octavian himself made a point of delaying his acceptance of an Illyrian triumph (he eventually celebrated it in 29), he certainly joined in the craze for construction: in 33 he rebuilt the Porticus Octavia, and put Gabinius' eagles on display there; in 32 he restored Pompey's theatre; work was also proceeding on the temples of Divus Iulius, Palatine Apollo and Jupiter Feretrius; and particular energy was spent on the Mausoleum, the material guarantee of Octavian's own eternal glory.[135]All of this would visibly attest the restoration of Rome's glory; nearly all pointed to Octavian. He was already turning Rome from brick to marble.
Sewerage mattered too; that fell to trusty Agrippa. He organized an extensive scheme of cleaning and repair; indeed, during these years he carried out a massive overhaul of the whole water supply.[136] In 34, it seems, he restored one aqueduct, the Aqua Marcia, then in 3 3 the Aqua Iulia; he also repaired others, the Aqua Appia and the Anio Vetus; and reservoirs and ornamental fountains were built all over the city. As aedile in 3 3 — an odd but significant appointment for so distinguished a man - Agrippa fostered the people in other ways, with spectacular games, free distributions of salt and olive oil, free admission to the baths, and a scattering of vouchers in the theatre for clothing, money and otherthings.[137] A more dignified step was Agrippa's revival of the lusus Troiae,[138] later to be celebrated in the Aeneid(v. 545-603). Octavian had been alert for some time to the possibilities of a tasteful antiquarianism. As early as 43 he had been hinting at a link with Romulus,[139] and in 38 there had been some ritual at the casa Romuli on the Palatine:[140] nor, probably, was it coincidence that he chose to live so close to the casa Romuli himself.[141] His traditionalism was gathering style. To emphasize the point, astrologers and magicians were expelled from the city.249 They were altogether too unroman.
And Antony? His thoughts were still far away. In 33 he planned a second Parthian campaign, this time with his new ally Artavasdes of Media: they were now more closely linked, with Alexander Helios betrothed to the king's daughter Iotape. Iotape had indeed been safely transported to Alexandria - an additional stimulus to loyalty, perhaps. In the spring of 33 Antony and Artavasdes met on the Araxes. All, or almost all, of Antony's eastern army was already in Armenia, a full sixteen legions.250 In 36, the need to concentrate his troops had delayed the invasion till uncomfortably late in the year; now, he was in a much better position for an early attack. But such thoughts were already out of date, and finally even Antony came to realize it. The defence of the eastern frontier was left to the Median king and to Polemo, to whom he now gave Lesser Armenia.251 Antony's own troops began the 2,500-km march back to the Ionian coast. At last, he had 'turned to the civil war'.252
x. preparation: 32 b.c.
Almost certainly, the second term of the triumvirate expired on 31 December 33.253 This time there would evidently be no question of renewing it, even as the duovirate it had now become. This would not leave the legal position of Antony and Octavian unsupportable,254 but it was certainly embarrassing, and more embarrassing for Octavian than for Antony. Octavian had lately been making so much of his respect for Roman tradition and the Roman republican constitution; and Octavian would be in Italy, where legal questions could awaken more interest. In the East Antony simply ruled - as god, monarch, proconsul, or triumvir, it hardly mattered. In Italy , it might. And Octavian's position was delicate in other ways, for if the triumvirate had expired the consuls might matter more; and the consuls of 3 2 were to be C. Sosius and Cn.