Hispania Epigrapbica 2, 1990, no. 75, Dressel 1 amphora, 90 b.c. E. Bucchi, in II Veneto nell'eta romana I, Verona, 1987, 157, Lamboglia 2 amphora, 46 в.с.
ILLRP 1185, Lucretian Falernian, 35 B.C.
Dates on roof-tiles, as on ILLRP 1151-70, 76-36 b.c., are to be explained by the fact that they were more valuable if weathered, see Roman Statutes 1995 (f 684) no. 15, Col. I, lines 32-8, with commentary.
The so-called tesserae nummulariae are discussed by J. Andreau, La viefinanciere dans le monde romain, Rome, 1987, 485—506, adopting the generally accepted view, which was originally propounded by R. Herzog, that they were labels attached to sacks of coin which had been checked and sealed. It remains completely unclear why it should be necessary to record not only the year, but also the month and the day, when coin had been inspected. A single example of course reads (ILLRP 1023, not accurate):
Anchial(us) Str<a>ti L. s. specta < ui > t num( )
979
mense Febr(uario)
M. TuI(Iio) C. Ant(onio) co(n)s(ulibus)
But one may suspect that the labels were in general for perishables such as corn.
The inscriptions of the Capuan magistri are manifestly the result of the concession of some form of local administration to Capua in the late second century b.c.; they run from 112 or 111 b.c. to 71 b.c., with two gaps of ten years each, which allow us to regard the series as covering the period down to the Caesarian colony of 5 9 b.c. (see Frederiksen 19 5 9 (e 41); the attempt of H. Solin, in id. and M. Kajava (eds.), Roman Eastern Polity and Other Studies, Helsinki, 1990, 151—62, 'Republican Capua', to minimize the role of the magistri, is unconvincing: the inscriptions of the Minturnensian magistri are quite unlike those of the Capuan.
The remaining relevant inscriptions are:
M. Cristofani, in Archeologia nella Tuscia 11, Rome, 1986, 24-6, 'C. Genucius Cleusina pretore a Caere'; Epigraphica 48 (1986) 191; Prospettiva 49 (April 1987) 2—14, Caere, engraved in the wet plaster of a tomb chamber:
C. Cenucio Clousino prai( )
It is unclear whether the text is to be regarded as in the nominative or in the ablative; whether the last word is to be restored as 'prai(fectus)/prai(fecto)' or *prai(tor)/prai(tore)'; and whether in the latter case we have a praetor or the archaic term for a consul. But it is clear that the person is the consul of 276 and 270 b.c.; that his presence as authority or eponym is to be related to the status of Caere as a community with civitas sine suffragio\ and that our text, although not certainly a consular dating formula, is to be related to those which follow. ILLRP 1068; R. Frei-Stolba, Jahresbericht 198} des Rdtischen Museums Chur, 197-220; jahresbericht 1984, 21 j—40, 'Die Erkennungsmarke (tessera hospita- lis) aus Fundi im Ratischen Museum Chur'; ead., ZPE 63 (1986) 193-6, 'Zur "tessera hospitalis" aus Fundi', Fundi, 196, 183, 166, 155 or 152 в.с. ILLRP 695, of uncertain origin, 171 в.с.
Supplementa Italica 1, Rome, 1981, 156, no. 40 = AE 1982, 286, Falerii Novi, tombstone 'a.d. X K. Dec. C. Atilio Q. Seru < il > io co(n)s(ulibus)', 106 b.c. ILLRP 518, Puteoli, 105 в.с.
A. Morandi, ArchClass. 36 (1984) 312-13 (inaccurate), Collemaggiore in
territory of Cliternia of Aequi, building '[ C.] Claudio M. Perp[erna
co(n)s(ulibus) ], 92 в.с.
The Fasti Antiates may have begun to be inscribed before the Social War; if this is so, we have a phenomenon similar to the diffusion of consular dating formulae.
Where status is secure, it is always that of a community with citizenship, without or with the vote; this suggests that Falerii Novi possessed citizenship, not the Latin right, contra, I. di Stefano Manzella, I.e., pp. 105-6; for Falerii Novi note also A. Andrĉn, SE 48 (1980) 93-9, for a group of third- to second-century B.C. architectural terracottas from Falerii Novi, Caere, Lanuvium and Ostia, the
others all being by this date communities with citizenship, with or without the vote. The combination of the likely status and anthroponymy should make it possible to locate ILLRP 695. Cases after the Social War are:
ILLRP 1267, Cales, 86 b.c. ILLRP 1123, Pompeii, 78 b.c. ILLRP 911, Canusium, 67 b.c. ILLRP 5 89, Ferentis, 67 b.c. ILLRP 735, Minturnae, 65 b.c.
ILLRP 200, perhaps Cremona rather than Mantua, 59 b.c.
ILLRP 508, Furfo, 58 b.c.
ILLRP 60S, Grumentum, 57 b.c.
ILLRP 15 2, Interamna Praetuttiorum, 5 5 b.c.
Forma Italiae 1, 10 (1974), no. 382, Collatia, reservoir for oil, 55 b.c.
ILLRP 607, Grumentum, 51 b.c.
ILLRP 763, Pompeii, 47 b.c.
ILLRP 562a, Casinum, 40 b.c.
ILLRP 203, Verona, 38 b.c.
II. SURVIVAL OF GREEK LANGUAGE AND INSTITUTIONS
Funerary inscriptions, which may be of persons, often slaves or freedmen, of extraneous origin, are mostly excluded.
See in general F. Ghinatti, Critica Storica 11 (1974) 5 3 3-76, 'Riti e feste della Magna Grecia'; not I. R. Arnold, AJA 64 (i960) 245-5 Ь 'Agonistic festivals in Italy and Sicily'. Neapolis:
Varro, Ling, v.85; vi.i 5; Cic. Balb. 5 5; Rab.Post. 26-7; Tusc. 1.86; Dio lv.io. 9; Strab. v.4.7 (246c), vr.i.2 (25 3c); Veil. Pat. 1.4.2; Suet. Claud. 11; Ner. 20 and 25; Tac. Ann. xv.33; Dio lx.6.1-2; HA, Hadr. 19.1.
F. de Martino, PP 7 (1952) 333-43, 'Le istituzioni di Napoli greco-romana'; F. Sartori, Problem!distoriacostitu^ionaleitaliota, Rome, 1953,46-5 5; F. Ghinatti, Atene e Roma n.s. 12 (1967) 97-109, 'Ricerche sui culti greci di Napoli in eta romana imperiale'; J. Pinsent, PP 24 (1969) 368-72, 'The magistracy at Naples'; R. Merkelbach, ZPE 15 (1974) 192-3, 'Zu der Festordning fur die Sebasta in Neapel'; E. Miranda, Rend.Acc.Arcb.Napoli 57 (1982) 165-81, 'I cataloghi dei Sebasta di Napoli'; F. Costabile, Istituzioni eforme costitu%ionalinelle citta delBruv^io in eta romana, Naples, 1984, 126—8; E. Miranda, in Napoli antica, Naples, 1985, 386-97, 'Istituzioni, agoni e culti'. Further inscriptions: