47 Rehm 1914 (в 267) 128-9. 48 Plut. Ant. 30.2. « Strab. хи.8.7-9 О74С).
73ILLRP 562a. 74 RRC 527-9, especially 529.4a; cf. Wallmann 1989 (c 243) 80-2.
247 Cf. Tarn 1932 (c 233) 13J-43, suggesting that Sib, Or. 111.350-61 dates to this period. That oracle looks forward with joy to Rome's humiliation and Asia's triumph, and might seem to be casting back much of Octavian's propaganda in his face. But sadly, the dating is insecure, cf. Nikiprowetzky 1970 (в 131), esp. 144-50, 201-2.
248 Eus. Chron. ii. 140 dates Antony's divorce of Octavia to May- June 52; Plut. Ant. 57 says that the divorce note was sent from Athens, probably rightly. 249 See above, p. 42.
Someone scrawled under a statue of Antony,' 'Октаоиш <coi 'A$ijva 'AvtojvCw: res tuas tibi habe'(the normal formula of divorce). Sen. Suas. 1.6. Cf. above, p. 23, for talk of a divine marriage of Antony and Athena.
Suet. Ner. 3.2. 272 Veil. Pat. 11.84.2. 273 Syme 1939 (a 93) 267.
214 ILS 891 (Miletus). He was eventually cos. suff. in 31, but he owed that to Octavian; he may originally have been designated for a different year.
275 Samos honoured Titius as a benefactor, so he was probably still with Antony then: cf. IGRR rv 1716, MDAI (A) 75 (i960) i49d. Dio l. 3.2 seems to put their defection after the divorce, though that may be only his conjecture; Plut. Ant. 58.4 connects it with the issue whether Cleopatra should remain.
336 Plut. Ant. 79.J-4, 82.4-j.
Cf. esp. Prop iv.6.63-6. If it were too dangerous to let her live longer than the triumph, she
27 Not until the second century a.d. was the oratio principis in the Senate treated as per se normative.
28.2.26. 29 Frier 1985 (f 652) 186-7.
105 Ov. Tr, i.i.69-70; ni.i.) 3-40. The formal approach was by then, it seems, from the northern
57 Friedlander 1922 (a 30) 1. 86-8; Millar 1977 (a 59) 83ff; Turcan 1987 (d 20) 2o8ff.
13 Nccsen 1980 (d t j 1) esp. 19-22. 14 Neesen 1980 (d 1 j 1) 22 n. 4.
46 Roman citizenship: Lex Irnitana, cap.21 (Gonzalez 1986 (в 235)), cf. Sherwin-White 1973 (a 87) ch. 14; the tabula Contrcbicnsir. Richardson, 1983 (в 271) 3 3-41; the first duovinx Volubilis: CCN 407b.
33 Gonzalez 1986 (в zjj) chs. 62 and 82. 34 Roman Statutes 1995 (f 684), nos. 24 and 26.
32 On the recruitment of Spaniards for the Roman army, see, above all, Roldan Hervas 1974 (e 235) esp. 233-86; cf. Le Rous 1982 (e 228) 284-90.
49 Diox1.v111.49. so Tib. 1.7.п. 51 Strab. iv.6.11 (208c).
64 CIL xiii 1048 and 1074.
V. RURAL SETTLEMENT
The Romanization of the countryside was generally a slower process, and there is little change to be observed in most farmsteads and agricultural communities until much later, their owners continuing to live in the traditional Iron Age manner, even though they began to use new agricultural and domestic equipment and utensils. The first villas, which are the best measure of the rate of adoption of Roman ways, were to be found, as might be expected, not far from the new towns,
33 RIB 91. w R/b91. 33 Fulford 1989(e) 41). 34 Fulford 1985 (e 540).
37 Fulford 1984 (e 539)- 38 Margary 1973 (e 347). » Duncan-Jones 1974 (a 24) 366-9.
VI. TRADE AND INDUSTRY
Improved communications undoubtedly helped to expand trade connexions. But the introduction of Roman currency into the province, primarily to pay the army, will have created a pool of low-value coins for small, everyday transactions, thus performing a function which the mostly high-value coinage of the Iron Age had failed to do. Trade in Britain, and between Britain and the rest of the empire, increased rapidly, much of it at first probably connected with supplies under army contracts. Large quantities of samian pottery came mainly from factories
40 Walthew 1975 (e 563) 189-205. 41 Rodwell and Rodwell 1973 (e 554) 115-27.
II. ROMAN GERMANY, l6 B.C.-A.D. 17
Agrippa's recall from his second period of acdvity in Gaul and the elaborate celebration of the extraordinary Secular Games marks the end of a phase in the military acdvity between the Mediterranean coast and the Euphrates and north-west Spain. With the achievement of pacification, the princeps Augustus was able for the first time to turn his attention to aemulatio Caesaris and to conquest through a bellum externum. In Caesarian fashion he attempted this feat in north-west Europe with a large-scale movement which was to make the land between the Danube bend at Vienna and the mouth of the Weser into imperial territory.
13 Suet. Vit. 8. 14 Tac. Hist. iv. j 5. 15 For a different view, see above, ch. 2, p. 98.
99 For auxiliaries, see Cheesman 1914 (d i 74); for consistent recruitment from provinces or tribes after which units were named as something exceptional, see also, e.g., Mocsy 1974 (e 677) 154.
Tac. Ann. 11. j9; Oros. vi.19.20. 13 Veil. Pat. 11.39; Joseph. BJ 11.386.
14 Porter and Moss 1939 (e 958) vi 114; POxj 1453.
69 The only city for which we get anything approaching an insight into its internal economy at
this period, is Palmyra through the Hadrianic Tax Law, elements of which are derived from a Julio-
Claudian 'Old Law'. There one finds references to the importation of a wide range of produce from
the Palmyrene territory, and extensive services in the city ranging from the selling of clothes to
prostitution (Teixidor 1984 (e 1066) 69-90; Matthews 1984 (e 1037)).
90 Clark and Haswell 1970 (a 17) 19. 91 Arm. 11.42.
Gapp 1935 (c 349); cf. Gapp, 1934 (a 32) chs II and III, Garnsey 1988 (a 33).
Bowersock 1982 (d 23) 6j2f.
The best known of these, Q. Aemilius Secundus, who commanded regiments in Syria,
campaigned against the Ituraeans, and conducted the famous census at Apameia for Quirinius in
a.d. 6, is probably but not certainly from Berytus (Devijver 1986 (d 179) 183-9).
Malalas, Chron. ix.20 (224).
Joseph. AJ xvi.224, 322; BJ 1.487 (marriage); Joseph. AJ xvi.29jf (kingship); Joseph. AJ
134 See D. Graf, 'The Nabataean army and the Cohortes Ulpiae Petraeorum', in E. Dabrowa (ed.)
31 Levick 1976 (c }66); Holladay 1978 (c 356); Brunt 1961(0 47).
32 Flory 1984 (f 366); Purcell 1986 (p 30).