These festivities, splendid and exciting as they were, were not exceptional. But it was everywhere agreed that the tournament held in Florence in 1475 was unique. An even more impressive spectacle than the giostra of 1469, this tournament was held in honour of Giuliano, by then twenty-two years old, tall, dark-haired, athletic and universally admired. Giuliano’s giostra took place in the Piazza Santa Croce where once again the lovely Lucrezia Donati was crowned ‘Queen of the Tournament’, as she had been in 1469, and where the even more strikingly beautiful Simonetta Cattaneo, the consumptive, dying young wife of Marco Vespucci, a woman with whom Giuliano himself was said to be deeply in love, was led to the throne of the ‘Queen of Beauty’. Giuliano appeared before her wearing her favour on one of a series of specially designed costumes which were believed to have cost in all no less than 8000 florins. His standard, designed by Botticelli, depicted Pallas, goddess of wisdom and war, in a golden tunic and armed with spear and shield, looking upon Cupid who stood bound to the bole of an olive tree with his bow and broken arrow at his feet. Like his brother in the previous contest, Giuliano was awarded the first prize which he accepted in a helmet, designed in anticipation of his victory, by Verrocchio.
This famous tournament was the inspiration for the earliest literary masterpiece in Italian of Angelo Ambrogini, known from his birthplace as Poliziano, the son of a distinguished Tuscan lawyer who, as a warm supporter of the Medici family, had been murdered by conspirators plotting the death of Piero. Shortly after his father’s murder, Poliziano had been brought to Florence and his education paid for by the Medici: he had studied Latin under Cristoforo Landino, Greek under Argyropoulos and Andronicos Kallistos, and philosophy under Marsilio Ficino. He was invited to stay for as long as he liked at the Medici Palace, and later given a villa by the family. By the time he was eighteen he was a classical scholar of formidable learning and a poet of extraordinarily precocious talent. His Stanze delta Giostra di Giuliano de Medici established him as the finest Italian poet since Boccaccio.
The tributes which Poliziano paid to Giuliano and, more particularly, to Lorenzo were not merely the courtly allusions which every generous patron might well have felt his due. Lorenzo was, indeed, ‘the laurel who sheltered the birds that sang in the Tuscan spring’. To his villas at Fiesole, Cafaggiolo and Careggi he invited artists, writers and scholars to talk with him, to read aloud with him, to listen to music, to discuss classical texts and philosophical mysteries. Sometimes the company met at the Abbey of Camaldoli4 where, for four days in 1468, Lorenzo and Giuliano discussed such matters as man’s highest vocation, the nature of the summum bonum and the philosophic doctrines to be found in the Aeneid, with various members of the Platonic Academy including Marsilio Ficino, Cristoforo Landino, Leon Battista Alberti and three merchants of intellectual tastes, Alamanno Rinuccini, and Donato and Piero Acciaiuoli.
‘The second day after my father’s death,’ so Lorenzo recorded in his memoirs, ‘the principal men of the city came to our house to console us and to encourage me to take on myself the care of the State, as my father and grandfather had done.’ Among the leaders of the delegation was Tommaso Soderini, who had opposed his brother Nkcolò’s attempted coup against Piero, and who, as the husband of a Torna-buoni, liked to think of Lorenzo as his nephew. With him were several members of the Pitti family who, at a meeting of about seven hundred supporters of the existing regime held at the convent of Sant’ Antonio the day before, had made amends for Luca Pitti’s part in the coup by strongly supporting Soderini in his call for a unified request to Lorenzo. Lorenzo listened to the delegation with becoming modesty.’ Their proposal was naturally against my youthful instincts,’ he protested,
and, considering that the burden and danger were great, I consented to it unwillingly. But I did so in order to protect our friends and property; since it fares ill in Florence with anyone who is rich but does not have any share in government.
Lorenzo’s evident reluctance was understandable. He was not yet twenty-one, had been married for no more than six months, and would naturally have preferred to have spent more time than his new responsibilities would permit upon those pleasures which he pursued with such vigorous intensity. But he was a conscientious and ambitious young man who had already made up his mind that to decline the challenge of public life would be not merely selfish but unwise. Even without the advice of his dutiful, sensible and gifted mother who still had, and was always to have, great influence over him, he would never have attempted to avoid his family responsibilities. Although he agreed with becoming diffidence to assume his father’s authority, he had already written to the Duke of Milan asking for the continuation of that support which the Sforzas had extended to the Medici since the time of his grandfather.
Duke Francesco’s successor, Galeazzo Maria Sforza, was now firmly established in Milan, a competent ruler with an increasingly sinister reputation for acts of appalling viciousness and cruelty. His enemies said that he had raped the wives and daughters of numerous Milanese nobles; that he took sadistic pleasure in devising tortures for men who had offended him; that he supervised these tortures himself and pulled limbs apart with his own hands; that he delighted in the moans of dying men and in the sight of corpses. Advocates of the Milanese alliance dismissed such stories as malicious inventions but they could not deny that the Duke was both prodigiously extravagant and ineffably vain. When he made a state visit to Florence in 1471, he arrived with an enormous retinue of advisers, attendants, servants and soldiers, including five hundred infantry, a hundred knights and fifty grooms in liveries of cloth of silver, each leading a war-horse saddled in gold brocade and with golden stirrups and bridles embroidered with silk. The Duke also brought with him his trumpeters and drummers, his huntsmen and falconers, his falcons and his hounds. His wife and daughters and their ladies were carried into the city in twelve gold-brocaded litters.
It was all very fine, the Florentines conceded, but they were not unduly impressed. They could have put on a much better show themselves, one of them commented, had they wanted to. And even the Duke himself had to admit that, although the Medici lived in much simpler style than the Sforzas, although Lorenzo chose to wear such plain, dark-coloured clothes, there was little in Milan to compare with the treasures assembled within the walls of the Medici Palace. For, despite all his arrogance and outbursts of psychopathic inhumanity, Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza was a man of some learning and much discernment. He had a genuine regard for the arts and scholarship for which Florence was so justly renowned; he also developed a deep respect for his young host who was already doing so much to foster them.
It was a respect that others were being taught to share. Piero had no sooner died when yet another attempt had been made to destroy the power and influence of the Medici. Thinking to take advantage of the youth and inexperience of the new head of the family, the conspirators who had attempted to overthrow Piero in 1466 and had since been living in exile assembled an army and, under the leadership of Diotisalvi Neroni, seized Prato. But that was the limit of their success. Their hopes of help from clandestine supporters in Florence and from Ferrara dwindled away as Lorenzo, and a Signoria well disposed towards him, acted as quickly and decisively as Piero had done under the earlier threat. A force of Florentine mercenaries was immediately dispatched to retake Prato; the conspirators were dispersed; and the authority of the Medicean regime was once again secure.