Tyler looked at him as if he expected an explanation. When Howe didn’t offer one, the major suggested they have a drink sometime. “Where you staying?”
Howe told him the hotel. Tyler nodded — it wasn’t clear to Howe whether he was truly interested in getting together or not — then ran off down the hall to catch up with the others.
If the Secret Service agent was impressed by the fact that Howe knew the President, it didn’t show in his manner. He checked the ID again before letting Howe pass.
“Would you like some coffee, Colonel?” asked Mozelle Clarke, Blitz’s administrative assistant, when he arrived in Blitz’s office a few minutes later.
“Not really, thanks. I’m kind of coffeed out this morning.”
“Mention that to Dr. Blitz,” she said.
“Mention what?” said Blitz.
“That some people drink too much coffee.”
“I give up coffee every few months,” said Blitz, meeting him at the door. Blitz looked every bit the academic he had been before coming to work with the administration: His shirt was rumpled and his tie loose at the neck, while his glasses leaned so far off the edge of his nose it seemed impossible that they didn’t fall. Books were stacked high around the office, and the titles that were visible included tomes on biblical studies, English literature, and French philosophy as well as world politics and military analysis.
“Against my better judgment,” Blitz said, as if commenting on something he had said before.
“The coffee?” asked Howe, sitting down.
“Coffee? No. The arrangements. Keeping the contract agencies on. Privatization — between you and me — it’s bullshit. Total, complete, utter bullshit. The military ought to be in control of its own fate. I don’t buy all this outsourcing crap, even if it can be expedient.”
Howe still wasn’t sure what Blitz was talking about.
“But rearranging everything, between Congress, the budget fight — God help us if we had to raise taxes,” said Blitz.
“Yes, sir,” said Howe, falling back on the old military habit: When in doubt, salute.
“So we’re stuck with it. But if someone gives you a lemon, my stepfather always said, make lemonade. And that’s what I’d like to do.”
“Excuse me, but I’m not really following,” admitted Howe.
Blitz smiled and nodded, as if finally getting some inside joke. “National Aeronautics Development and Testing. We’ve gotten rid of Bonham — for a long time, I’d say. He’s going to plead guilty. There won’t be a trial.”
Howe nodded. A retired Air Force general, Clayton Bonham had headed the National Aeronautics Development and Testing agency. Commonly abbreviated as NADT, the private company was responsible for developing and testing cutting-edge weapons for the military. Bonham had been in the middle of the conspiracy to hijack Cyclops, using it to cheat on the tests for an augmented ABM system.
Howe realized that he should feel some relief that there would be no trial, since he would undoubtedly have been a witness in the case. But he felt as if justice had been cheated. In his opinion, no jail sentence would sufficiently punish Bonham for what he had done: betraying his trust for money.
“But the company itself — its function developing and testing new weapons systems — it has too much potential in the present political and economic climate to just walk away from,” continued Blitz. “Outsourcing and private industry sharing the risks — it’s the way we’ll be doing things for the next decade at least.”
Howe detected a note of regret in Blitz’s voice. Howe, though he had worked with NADT, agreed that outside contractors were gaining too much control over military projects. Originally conceived as a way to rein them in, NADT had helped encourage the trend. Set up as a government-sponsored company like Freddie Mac — the comparison had often been made — NADT had quickly set its own course. It now controlled or had a hand in nearly a hundred projects, including large ones like Cyclops and the Velociraptor, an improved version of the F/A-22 Raptor jet aircraft. While it wouldn’t be fair to say that the agency controlled the Pentagon, it also wouldn’t be accurate to say that the Pentagon controlled NADT. The company had far more say over individual projects than traditional contractors like Boeing ever dreamed of.
“If the structure has to remain, if outsourcing is still the order of the day,” added Blitz, “then we have to make the best of it. It does present certain opportunities — advantages in terms of expediting things, making things work. Of course, there will be reforms. That’s why it’s important to get the right people — the absolutely right people — in place.”
“Right,” said Howe absently.
“Richard Nelson is set to be elected as the new chairman, probably by the beginning of next week. But we need a new president of the company, someone to take Bonham’s place.”
“Of course.”
“Will you?”
“Will I give you recommendations?” asked Howe.
“No, I don’t want recommendations.” Blitz plucked at his goatee. It was blond, a shade lighter than the hair on the top of his head. “I want you to take the job. President of NADT. It’s going to play an important role developing weapons, not just for the Air Force, but for all the services. I want you in charge.”
“Me?”
“The President agrees. As a matter of fact, you could even say it was his idea.”
Howe leaned back in the seat.
“There will be changes. There have to be changes,” said Blitz. “You’d have the President’s confidence and free rein to get things done. A mandate to get things done.”
“I don’t know,” said Howe.
Blitz bent forward across the desk, his face intent.
“It would be an important opportunity for a man like you,” said the national security advisor. “A good career move.”
Howe started to say that he didn’t have a career: The only thing he was thinking of doing, seriously, was hooking up with a friend of his who was building spec houses up in rural New York about fifty miles from where he’d grown up. But Blitz didn’t wait for an answer.
“More than that, it will be a huge contribution to our country. Huge,” he said. “And financially it would be well worth your while.”
Howe said nothing.
“General Bonham’s base salary was roughly half a million dollars,” continued Blitz. “The entire compensation package would be somewhat complicated and would have to be negotiated.”
Half a million dollars, thought Howe. The sum seemed incredible.
Am I worth that much?
What do they expect for that much money?
“I’m sure an equitable arrangement would be worked out. I understand you’re not the sort of man who makes decisions based on money.” Blitz got up. “Don’t answer now. Think about it. Go out there — you’ve been there. Take a long tour. A few days. Think about it.”
“Of course.”
“Go over, talk to people, talk to Jack Myron on the Defense Committee, talk to everybody. Take a week to talk to different people. I’ll arrange it — whoever you want. Mozelle will set it all up. Go over to the Pentagon, get with Admiral Christopher at the CIA. Go into it with your eyes open,” said Blitz. “As a matter of fact, I gave Congressman Myron your phone number at the hotel and your home. I hope you don’t mind.”
“No, that’s fine.”
“Take some time and think,” added Blitz. “But believe me, your country needs you.”
Chapter 7
“DIA has the intercepts and some details about how an E-bomb would work, probably from one of their Middle East sources, maybe because someone here wanted to get an understanding of it,” Fisher told Hunter in Hunter’s FBI headquarters office. “That’s the extent of it. They have Homeland Security so twisted in knots over it that they’re putting together a joint task force. Macklin and Kowalski are going to work together.”