"I have no illusions of this-Khan wants to see me dead," Susan said. "Khan failed to do the job before, so he will ensure it's done now."
"And you somehow believe these American commandos will help you?" Baris asked. "I must tell you, Sekhmet, I think it is dangerous to have those men in Egypt. We know nothing about them. The American government obviously knew nothing about them except to tell us that they are not part of the American government whatsoever. They are privateers, former military men who now work for whoever pays them."
"Then they can work for us," Susan said. "We have no military behind us now. These men are skilled enough to take one of our warships-they can do a lot of harm to alKhan's men, possibly even to the Libyans as well."
"To what end? Do you expect them to kill al-Khan or invade Libya for you?" Baris asked. "That's a fantasy, Sekhmet. They have obviously been paid by a very wealthy individual, company, or conglomerate to perform a task. If they don't do the assigned task, they won't get paid. As soon as they've rested and gathered some intelligence information, they'll be gone-leaving you with whatever chaos they've created. I don't think you want that."
"What I want, General, is for Egypt to be free from murdering scum like al-Khan or terrorists like Zuwayy," Susan said bitterly. "I sense something in McLanahan. He is in great pain, yes-losing both his brother and his wife in so short a time must be devastating for him. If he has a child, it must make the pain even greater. But there is something else about him. I sense another conflict within him."
"He is certainly not like the others," Baris agreed. "I would guess he is a trained soldier, but not necessarily a commando. And he knew of your background-specifically, he mentioned your Air Force background, with definite pride in his voice. If I had to guess, I would say he is a former American air force officer, perhaps even a highranking officer."
"So if he is not a commando, perhaps he's out of his element," Susan surmised. "Maybe he doesn't waat to be where he is, fighting for money instead of for his country." Susan turned to Amina Shafik. "Any information on McLanahan's background, Amina?"
"No, Madame," Shafik responded. "It's very unusual. My contact in the American Air Attache's office at the American embassy in Cairo has no record of a Patrick McLanahan in the American military. Their records go back about five years."
"Can we search any farther back?"
"Not from the Air Attache's office," Shafik replied. "For that, we would need help from the Mukharbarat el-Aama."
"The General Intelligence Staff is still loyal to me-I can get that information," General Baris said. "But it may take some time. Should we trust this McLanahan and his men until we find out who and what they are?"
"Should we? No-I should trust no one," Susan said. "But will we trust them? Yes-for now. Be sure they have all the information they need-every map, every photograph, every piece of data. Make sure they have access to any base, every unit, and every weapon system."
Baris shook his head, then half-turned in his seat to look directly into Susan's eyes. "Listen to me, Sekhmet: Your life is in incredible danger here," he said. "I know you want to carry on your husband's work and avenge his death, but is running for president worth risking your life?"
"What do you suggest I do, General? Run?"
"In the United States, we have a chance to rebuild our power. We can wait for al-Khan's government to implode. The people will welcome you as a conquering hero then. You would be proclaimed president."
"But what about the people that I would be leaving behind?" Susan asked. "They'd be at the mercy of al-Khan and through him, Jadallah Zuwayy. I won't abandon the people of Egypt to save myself."
"The people of Egypt will survive-we have for thousands of years," Baris said. "I can trace my own ancestry back seventeen hundred years, Sekhmet. A dozen different empires, dictators, and religious oligarchies have occupied our nation. We Egyptians have an annoying way of surviving men like al-Khan."
"That doesn't mean the innocent should suffer because the next despot or conqueror feels it's time to move in," Susan said.
"The Egyptian people won't be entirely innocent," Baris said. "Khan will be voted in by an overwhelming majority, even if Prime Minister Kalir decides to run again. Should not the people be allowed to choose their own government, their own fate?"
"No one should be permitted to rule by force, intimidation, fear-or murder," Susan said bitterly.
"Even if al-Khan is a murderer, the people of Egypt will still choose by whom they will be ruled. Whether Khan is the president or not, people will follow him because they choose to do so." Baris lowered his head sadly. "You may hate me for saying so, Sekhmet, but the reason al-Khan survives-and your husband, my friend, did not-is because the people want a man like him as president."
"Wha… what did you say, General?"
"I said, the people get the leaders they want, my friend," Baris said. "Your husband was a great man, a great statesman, a hero to Egypt. He helped put this nation back in touch with the rest of the world and ended the isolation and ostracism we have been facing for fifty years. But men like al-Khan survive, and many say he has more power, much more power, than Kamal Ismail Salaam ever had. Khan preaches power, Sekhmet, not cooperation. He preaches leadership. Kamal wanted Egypt to join the community of nations, especially the Western nations. Khan survives, and will become president, because people like what he says."
"Even if he gets his power by murder, death, and betrayal?"
"Betrayal to you is another man's patriotism, Sekhmet," Baris said. "Murder and death to you is justice, vengeance, action, and destiny to another. Which is right? Which is wrong? I suppose it depends on your point of view."
"I can't believe you're saying this, Ahmad," Susan retorted, her eyes wide in surprise. "Killing my husband, the president of Egypt, was not justice. Conspiring to align Egypt with a bunch of murderous anarchists like Zuwayy and the Muslim Brotherhood is not patriotism."
"Not to you, it isn't," Baris said. "Not to me. But to twenty million Egyptians, fifteen million Libyans, five million Sudanese-yes. To over half the Egyptian military forces, al-Khan is a hero for killing your husband. To half of the Saudi royal family, to three-quarters of the Lebanese, to most of the Syrians, Zuwayy is a liberator, the sword of Allah."
"How is that possible?" Susan asked incredulously. "How can that be true? Don't all those people realize how dangerous he is? Can't they see Zuwayy's crazy? He thinks he's descended from an ancient Libyan king. He's nothing but a goofball-a murdering, thieving goofball!"
"You're not listening, Sekhmet!" Baris said with a smile, like a patient teacher who is watching realization dawning on a promising student. "You're not paying attention. It doesn't matter what you think or what you knowit's what the people believe. Look back through your own country's history, Susan. Everyone believed John Kennedy was the so-called prince of Camelot, and then were disillusioned because you later found out he was a womanizing adolescent privileged politician who knew little except what his brother Robert and his 'Kitchen Cabinet' told him. You know much of Egyptian and Middle East history-do you truly believe the western European kings organized the Crusades to liberate the Holy Land from the infidels? Do you believe Alexander the Great sought to unify the kingdoms of eastern Europe?"
"So it's all propaganda? It's all illusion?"
"Of course it's all illusion," Baris said. "The only thing that is real is the law-but there are many, many things more powerful that the law. Image. Perception. Emotion. Fear. Anger. Hate. Love. Control these things, and you control all."