"Why? So you could have marched your troops in to try to take over?"
"So he could have led a new generation of Arabs, a new generation that is hungering for a leader," Hijazi said. "Instead, he did what all the other scum-sucking Westernloving traitors do-he sold out, sold out his own people. He'll be hated for a century. Your husband created clowns like Zuwayy, Salaam."
"What in hell are you talking about?"
"You know exactly what I'm talking about," Hijazi retorted. "Kamal Ismail Salaam was hailed for years as the new Nasser, the new leader of the pan-Arab world. But he did what Sadat and Mubarak did-they sold out to the Jews and the Westerners for cash. The Arab world was begging for a leader, and Salaam abdicated. When Zuwayy became Idris the Second, everyone knew he wasn't a king-but they accepted him anyway. Why the hell do you think that is, Madame?" No response.
"Do you think Libyans are stupid? Do you think we're that gullible?" Hijazi went on. "We're not stupid, and we're not gullible-not any more than the Germans were before the rise of Adolf Hitler. Libyans were searching for a leader. We would have gladly accepted Kamal Salaam-yes, even an Egyptian, just as many of us accepted Gamal Abdel Nasser. Instead, Salaam turned his back on us. We embraced the first figure that showed any sort of leadership, who showed any amount of sympathy to the plight of the Arabs-Jadallah Zuwayy. He may be a psychopath, but he's also smart-he did his homework. He knew that Libya was thirsting for a leader, even a monarch, after the mess Muammar Qadhafi left. He adopted the whole Sanusi king thing because he knew Libya needed a king, a leader. He could have called himself Jesus Christ, and Libya would've followed Him.
"So you want to hide behind the Americans and their high-tech toys?" Hijazi went on. "I've got a prediction for you, Madame President-you'll end up with a suicide bomber in your face too, just like your husband. And you know what's even more ironic? The most moronic, the most comical, the stupidest one of us all, Jadallah Zuwayy, will still be in power, calling himself a king. We'll be dead, and he'll still be sodomizing his country-and the people will gladly bend over and let him do it, because he chose to be an Arab. You know it, and I know it."
There was silence on the phone. Hijazi was going to ask if Salaam had hung up, when she said, "If you try to touch Salimah with your army or with any of your Nubian goons, I'll blow you and your pretender king into the Red Sea."
"Tough words-from an Arab hiding behind American bombs and missiles."
"You will withdraw those forces from the border areas immediately," Salaam demanded, "and you will deactivate all remaining rockets, artillery, and aircraft stationed within two hundred kilometers of the border. Otherwise, I will destroy them all."
"You dare to try to negotiate with a gun pointed to my head, woman? Who the hell do you think you are?"
"I will be the new president of Egypt, sir, thanks to Zuwayy's lunacy," Susan Bailey Salaam said. "I also will be the instrument of your destruction if you do not complyand then I will still become president, and I will crush whatever is left of your so-called king and his corrupt, morally bankrupt partners. Think carefully, Minister-but not too long. My warriors have itchy trigger fingers."
This time, Hijazi hesitated. This was an opportunity to get out of this whole mess intact-and perhaps come out a little ahead, if Salaam was willing to discuss the Salimah coproduction deal again.
"I will speak with His Highness about this, Madame," Hijazi replied. "But I need some assurance to take to him. You will agree not to stage any more attacks on our bases, and you will agree to open negotiations with the Central African Petroleum Partners to hire more Libyan workers. Otherwise, Madame, we are still at war-and we will use the last of our military might to destroy Salimah and render it useless to anyone for fifty years. It is you who have forced us into this desperate situation, Madame-but you can end it too."
"We will not fly any more missions over Libya unless we are attacked," Salaam said, "if you promise, in writing, to withdraw all your artillery, rockets, and aircraft beyond two hundred kilometers from the border."
"While your forces stand ready right at the border? Unacceptable."
"We will pull our forces back as well."
"And the Americans?" Hijazi had no idea that it was the Americans actually performing the bombing raids on Samah, Jaghbub, and now Zillah and Al-Jawf, but it was a logical guess.
"All bombers will be pulled out," Salaam responded.
It wasn't what she said, but how she said it-it was the Americans, all right. Hijazi was positive of it. "And of Salimah?"
Salaam paused for several long moments; then: "I will agree to immediately propose legislation that will create a worker's visa program to allow Libyan and Sudanese laborers to enter the country so that they may apply for work in Salimah. Then I will-"
"Not good enough. The Western cartel must increase hiring of qualified laborers from Libya and decrease hiring of Asian, European, and Western laborers. And Libya must be able to become a partner in the consortium."
'That is up to the partnership."
"Egypt is a partner-or is it?"
"Of course it is."
"We do not seek a majority-only a rightful share of African natural resources. We shall pay for the right of admission, of course-say, for a one-third share."
"Egypt will retain majority ownership in the partnership," Salaam said after another long pause. "But Egypt will grant one-third of its share in the partnership to Libya, but only under the condition that Libya buys twenty-five percent of the cartel's shares. Then Egypt's share of the partnership will be forty percent, and Libya and the cartel's share will each be thirty."
"Agreed. And as far as Libyan laborers at Salimah…?"
"Arab laborers must exceed the number of other nationalities in Salimah," Salaam said. "I will not give preferential treatment to any nationality. It's about time we are all referred to as 'Arabs.'"
"A wise judgment, Madame. This includes supervisory and management positions."
"Including management and supervisors."
"Equal pay, equal housing, equal benefits-no forced segregation, no discrimination in jobs or locations. Full access to all government entitlements."
"Agreed."
"And the Muslim Brotherhood."
"Minister…"
"His Highness will ask. I must tell him something."
Another pause; then: "I will not oppose or block legislation or debate on the subject of membership into the Muslim Brotherhood in the People's Assembly, and I will allow Brotherhood officials to obtain temporary visas so that they may enter the country to meet with our lawmakers and government officials to discuss membership. But I promise, I will slam the door shut again if I learn that the Brotherhood tries to organize antigovernment movements within Egypt, or they try to funnel weapons or money to any antigovernment organizations within Egypt."
'This I cannot guarantee."
"Then our negotiations are ended. I will allow open, free debate on the subject of Brotherhood membership, Minister, but I will not tolerate sedition or conspiracy. We'll let the people decide, without bribes or payoffs."
Hijazi paused. They were certainly not going to negotiate every last detail-the important point here was that Susan Bailey Salaam was talking, negotiating, not threatening. Hijazi at first thought that perhaps she didn't have those American forces under her command anymore, that maybe all this was a bluff-but now was not the time to think about that either. A turning point was happening. He could either seize it, or let it slip out of his fingers.