Читать онлайн "Jews and Greeks in ancient Cyrene" - Эпплбаум Шимон - RuLit

In the “Stele of the Founders” the general citizen assembly (ἐκκλησία) is the legislative body. Five strategoi are recorded in the same century,[222] and the ephors figure in the Ptolemaic constitution somewhat later.[223] They may be assumed to have existed earlier in view of the post’s antiquity, for it existed in Thera; there are five under Ptolemy. The steles of the Demiurgi record three such magistrates, who officiated from the 5th to the 2nd century B.C. at least, but are unmentioned in the Ptolemaic law. This need not mean that they were unimportant under the Cleisthenic constitution. Quite the contrary; it suggests that these were the most important magistrates in the democratic regime; at Mantineia and Elis they headed the boule. An important Cyrenean inscription of the 4th century,[224] defines the functions of the demiurgi in a given situation and adds that they are discharged by these magistrates in the cities (of Libya), by the hellenodikai in the Temple of Zeus Olympios (i.e. in Olympia), by the amphiktyons at Delphi, and by the hieromnamones in the Temple of Zeus Lykaios (the Lyceum of Arcadia). The functions concerned include the recording of claims arising from seizure of the property of one city by another as an act of reprisal in war time; hence it may well be that the demiurgi of Cyrene handled not only the revenue from the sacred lands but the city’s financial affairs as a whole.[225]

We have no details of political events in the other cities of Cyrenaica in this period. Euesperitae, despite its Cyrenean connections, had welcomed the aristocratic refugees in 401, and therefore can be assumed to have had an aristocratic form of government. An inscription of the 4th century[226] evidences that the city was governed by ephors, a gerousia and a bole (sic), and as the demos is not mentioned, and the resolution is brought before the Bole by the first two instances, the city appears to have been under aristocratic or oligarchic rule, although in the view of Fraser[227] the inclusion of the Bole points to a democracy. The regime perhaps lay between the two extremes.

Barka, according to her coins, was still independent, and to judge by her alliance with the Egyptian Akoris (383)[228] she was still exercizing an independent foreign policy; between 435 and 375 Barka is the dominant member of a partnership with Cyrene, but her coins cease in about 375, and Cyrene is the ruling partner henceforth.

Cyrene’s renewed activity on the inauguration of her democracy in the second quarter of the 4th century is expressed in many ways, nor does archaeology leave any doubt that the political change liberated her creative powers. For the first time there are increasingly numerous inscriptions to demonstrate the growth of means and the spread of literacy. The allusion to legal procedures common to all the Libyan cities in the matter of reprisals is a symptom of growing unity among the country’s towns. Successful military action is indicated not only by a contemporary campaign to the Syrtic region and the erection of a treasury from the plunder[229] — but also by the building of a similar treasury (called by the Italians the “Strategeion”) in the Sanctuary of Apollo by three strategoi of Cyrene. This treasury is situated close to the wall supporting the upper terrace of the Sanctuary, and contained the plunder of a war whose aim is not stated.[230] The building’s period is defined between the middle of the 4th century[231] and its last decades. In 373 approximately the building of the Treasury of Cyrene was begun in the Delphic sanctuary, but interrupted by the battle of Chaeroneia (338). Built of Pentelic and Parian marble, it was designed to demonstrate, in the view of its investigator, the mathematical theories of Theodorus of Cyrene and of his pupil Plato.[232]

The institution of democracy broke up the factions that divided the city, united the people and directed their attention to the capital. Stucchi thinks that the city’s street-plan north of the main street joining the Acropolis with the Agora, originated with a lay-out along the original field-divisions in the middle of the 6th century B.C.[233] This view must presumablyt now supersede the conclusion of D. Buttle[234] and that of the writer,[235] based on the orientation of the Temple of Apollo (previously thought to be of Demeter) as rebuilt in the 4th century B.C. in the south-west corner of the Agora, that the present visible town plan originated in the same century. Stucchi bases his 6th-century date on the orientation of altars Ei and 2 and Sacellum Ei of Opheles, also of the first peribolos of the Temple of Apollo in the Agora, and its relation to the main street (the σκυρωτὰ ὁδός). It should nevertheless be noted that the insulae to the north of the Agora were observed by Stucchi himself[236] to resemble in measurement those of Priene (4th century B.C.) rather than those of Olynthos (5th century B.C.).

In the 4th century, at any rate, the city was greatly embellished; in the Agora, the heroon of Battus was replaced by a roofed structure,[237] and the Agora enlarged northward by heavy walls, its northern portico being replaced twice in rapid succession.[238] In the Sanctuary of Apollo, after an earthquake had caused the collapse of the cliff overlooking the area from the south in the middle of the century, the Temple of Apollo was rebuilt and enlarged. The archaic shrine was enclosed by a new wall and encompassed by an outer crepis and peristasis of great Doric columns. The altar of Apollo was encrusted with Parian marble donated by Philon son of Annakeris, whose father had redeemed the philosopher Plato from slavery in 383.[239] In the course of the second half of the century the upper terrace of the Sanctuary was laid out, while its low dividing wall (δρύφακτος), and probably at the same time the retaining wall of the lower terrace, were constructed.[240] The theatre in the west of the sanctuary was built in approximately the same period, to judge by the reuse within the structure of triglyphs from the archaic temple;[241] it may have superseded an older structure of timber.[242] The beautiful marble door of the Temple of Apollo in the Agora is stylistically dated to the same century. Furthermore, the seated figure of Zeus Lykaeos which appears on the city’s coins at the end of the century[243] is perhaps to be interpreted that the Temple of Zeus on the eastern hill now received a similar image, since the head of an acrolithic statue of this type found in the temple was thought by its discoverers to be a smaller second-century copy of an original wrought by a sculptor of the school of Pheidias.[244] The building activity described, indeed finds additional expression in the increasing abundance of Cyrene’s gold coins, to which allusion has already been made, and in their outstanding beauty and variety. The appearance of the names of moneyers[245] on coinage from the beginning of the century, and of masons’ marks on the masonry of the dryphaktos of the upper sanctuary terrace, are signs of a technical and professional development characteristic of a commercial democracy.